As long as the genocidal FDLR remains in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo), enjoying full government support, there will never be peace in the Great Lakes Region. This is according to Straton Musoni, one of the co-founders and former vice president of the terrorist militia, which was created in the aftermath of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi after the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi) defeated the forces of the genocidal government, pushing them out of the country into what was then Zaire. It was then that the defeated forces convened in what later became DR Congo to carry on with their genocide ideology agenda, enjoying full government support from the host country, starting with the regime of Laurent-Désiré Kabila and transitioning through other governments that followed, including the current one led by Félix Antoine Tshisekedi. This, according to Musoni, will forever continue to be a thorn in the efforts to find peace in the Great Lakes Region unless Kinshasa denounces its support for the militia and its members renounce the genocide ideology and peacefully return home. In an interview with The New Times, Musoni, currently living in Rwanda after being repatriated from Europe following the completion of his prison sentence, said that as long as there is no goodwill in Kinshasa to end collaboration with the rebel group, peace will never be achieved. Musoni and his superior, Ignace Murwanashyaka, were in September 2015 sentenced to 21 years in jail by a court in Germany after a four-year trial on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in eastern DR Congo by the genocidal militia they co-founded and led. Having been in pre-trial detention for almost six years but restricted to his home in Germany while fighting deportation to Rwanda, Musoni completed his eight-year jail term in 2022 and was deported to Rwanda the same year in October. Today, Musoni leads a secluded life in his ancestral home in Karama village, Mutandi cell, Mutete sector, Gicumbi District, in Northern Rwanda – where he moved after completing demobilisation and resettlement processes like many militias repatriated to Rwanda through the Rwanda Demobilisation and Reintegration Commission (RDRC). The aging academic and former financial controller, who played a pivotal role in the formation of FDLR, which remains one of the key talking points in the ongoing conflict in the eastern part of DR Congo, leads a humble life in the rural part of the country – where he closely follows developments in the region. ALSO READ: Germany deports FDLR’s Straton Musoni to Rwanda When The New Times visited Musoni, who had spent a significant part of his life shuttling between Europe and DR Congo to mobilise support for the armed group, he shared his views on the situation in the country. He emphasised that as long as the genocidal FDLR remains active in the vast nation, peace will be hard to achieve. For someone who was not just an insider but an authority and a person of international interest, he does not mince his words when discussing the role of FDLR in the ongoing conflict and why it remains the biggest factor that the world continues to ignore. Without any doubt, Musoni affirms that the FDLR enjoys full government support in DR Congo, emphasising that they would not exist or pose a threat if they weren’t enjoying state backing. He further asserts that Rwanda has every reason to be concerned by its existence. “The presence of the FDLR in DR Congo remains a major security concern for Rwanda,” he says, adding that Rwanda’s concerns that the FDLR could launch attacks from DR Congo, destabilising the country and the region, are legitimate because there have been examples of such attacks before. As one of the orchestrators of the militia, Musoni says that Rwanda has legitimate grounds to take action in eastern DR Congo to neutralize potential security threats because the group still operates on the same ideology it was formed on. He says that those who accuse Rwanda of involving itself in the situation in eastern DR Congo disregard the seriousness of the problem, but the Rwandan government has a right to safeguard its national security – something he says is non-negotiable. ALSO READ: Former FDLR deputy president on how genocidal militia was formed “If the FDLR were to disarm and return to Rwanda, there would be no further justification for conflict or a discussion on Rwanda's involvement in DR Congo,” he says, adding that as long as the militia maintains its genocide ideology stance and Kinshasa continues to back it, Rwanda has every right to defend itself. Again, this comes from someone who was a central figure in the establishment of FDLR. He insists that Rwanda’s concerns must be addressed because, even 31 years down the road, the organisation still has individuals based in DR Congo, who were part of the former government of Juvénal Habyarimana and have cases to answer in Rwanda. “Some of them were involved in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and have never been held accountable. While it is uncertain how many of the original perpetrators remain active today, their presence continues to create problems,” Musoni says. He says that over the past three decades, Rwanda has shown goodwill and cooperated in the disarmament and repatriation of the FDLR back into the country, many of whom were demobilised and resettled. However, the continued support of the government in DR Congo continues to fuel the existence of the group. This, he says, was an effective method of resolving the problem, but for some reason, Kinshasa continues to back the militia out of its own interests, and that is the biggest obstacle to peace. DR Congo support sustaining FDLR Musoni believes that if it were not for government support, many of the members would be willing to lay down their arms and return home to go through the demobilisation and resettlement processes, but many interests are at play. He further argues that there is no question that the DR Congo government collaborates with FDLR because historically, the militia has fought alongside Congolese forces and has been co-opted into FARDC. “They have been used as auxiliary troops in conflicts within the Congo for decades,” he says, adding that the Congolese government has relied on FDLR fighters for military operations for many years, and this is an indisputable fact. To those who argue that the FDLR is now weaker and shouldn’t be viewed as a threat to Rwanda, Musoni says that while its strength has diminished over time, with many of the founders repatriating to Rwanda or dying on the frontline, the militia remains active, with new members joining every year. Musoni says that the issue of the FDLR should not be viewed solely in terms of those who participated in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, but also in terms of the fact that even young members, who were born later, joined and were recruited under the same ideology. “The idea was to overthrow the government in Rwanda and continue with the ideology of exterminating Tutsis. That ideology has never changed,” he says. While the militia no longer has the same level of power or organisation as it once did, it still exists and poses a threat. “Many of its fighters have returned to Rwanda, with some going through reintegration programmes at Mutobo. However, the FDLR is not completely eradicated.” “There are remaining elements in DR Congo that continue to operate in remote forested areas. Given the difficult terrain and lack of governance in these regions, it is unlikely that a purely military solution will succeed in eliminating the FDLR entirely,” says Musoni. ALSO READ:Germany finds two FDLR militia leaders guilty of war crimes He argues that the long-term solution to this issue lies in dialogue and the DR Congo agreeing to stop its support for the group, which would perhaps pave the way for their repatriation. However, as long as they still enjoy backing, that will not happen soon. The other issue he mentions is that the FDLR and similar groups still believe they can overthrow the government in Rwanda. With the support and promises they receive from Kinshasa, such an illusion will remain an obstacle to peace. “Unless the remaining fighters acknowledge their defeat and voluntarily return and reintegrate into Rwandan society, there won’t be an end to this,” he said, adding that support from the DR Congo has been key in sustaining the FDLR’s presence over the past two decades or so. “FDLR members showing the will to disarm and return home to live peacefully in Rwanda would be a viable path forward. However, if their objective remains the violent overthrow of the Rwandan government, then any negotiation efforts will be futile,” he says, emphasising how support from the DR Congo has been key in sustaining and preserving the group. Who is Straton Musoni? Born in Masoro Sector, Rulindo District, Musoni moved to his grandfather's home area in what was then Byumba, now Gicumbi District, where he currently lives. He later pursued his studies, eventually ending up in Germany, where he joined Murwanashyaka in mobilising defeated forces and opposition groups against the triumphant RPF-Inkotanyi. He would go on to make headlines, along with Murwanashyaka, for their role in the creation and mobilisation of FDLR, which he says was initially established as a coalition of different groups, including defeated armed forces and politicians from various parties, both old and new. These included the RDR and others, which joined efforts to overthrow the Rwandan government. Also READ: DR Congo’s support for FDLR “direct threat” to Rwanda, says envoy Musoni and Murwanashyaka, who died in April 2019 in Germany, were the leading political figureheads of the FDLR, promoting it at the international level – having initiated its founding in May 2000 in Lubumbashi, DR Congo. The FDLR brought together various organisations, including RDR and ALIR, composed of ex-FAR and Interahamwe, who were accused of murdering American tourists in Bwindi Impenetrable National Park in Uganda, and others like FOCA. The FDLR was partly born out of the need to evade justice for the murder of the Americans and had the full backing of President Kabila, who at the time had fallen out with his counterparts in Uganda and Rwanda, despite their role in helping him depose President Mobutu Sese Seko. “The founders were supported by the government in power at that time, led by President Laurent-Désiré Kabila. His government provided significant assistance to the group, particularly to the militias who had been fighting for him for a long time.” Musoni says that at the time, DR Congo was in the midst of war, and former Rwandan soldiers and members of the Interahamwe militia were not only integrated into the government forces but also received support to establish the FDLR militia to overthrow the Rwandan government. “Essentially, the formation of the FDLR was an agreement between the Congolese government and the Rwandan soldiers who had fled into eastern DR Congo,” Musoni says, adding that this status quo never changed and the vision and mission for which it was formed remains till today. Musoni says that over the years, the FDLR and different groups in the DR Congo evolved, with some splitting to form different political parties, while others disbanded. However, two factors remain constant – the genocide ideology and DR Congo government support. He says that even those who moved to Europe or other countries maintained the same ideology, and the support from Congolese governments over the years has also remained unchanged. Whether new factions are born, military or political, the ideology remains one of exterminating Tutsi. This, he says, is the main reason behind the M23 rebellion, because the same people who killed Tutsis in Rwanda continued to do so in the DR Congo and still do today. For years, he said, the FDLR and other organisations tried to push the Government of Rwanda to negotiate with them. However, the issue of genocide ideology, which he says is passed on to younger generations, remains the biggest challenge. He says the initial idea was to violently overthrow the government and continue with the genocide, but this has never materialised. Nonetheless, many still believe it is possible, which is why the FDLR remains active today. Musoni reiterates that continued support from the DR Congo has been a key factor in the FDLR’s persistence, driven by Kinshasa’s own interests. This is why Rwanda must continue to take precautions and safeguard itself. The only solution, he says, would be for the FDLR to admit that they lack the capability to overthrow the RPF Government, agree to disarm, and return home peacefully. This must go hand in hand with the DR Congo halting all forms of support. A message to those stuck in the past He also emphasised how the FDLR has not only been fuelling genocide ideology in the DR Congo but also influencing Rwandans in the diaspora to refrain from returning home by spreading the false narrative that Rwanda is unsafe. Many remain trapped by this ideology and these lies. “For those who are still outside Rwanda and hesitant about returning, I can say from personal experience that Rwanda has changed significantly for the better,” Musoni says, adding that many are being misled into remaining in exile. “They will say Rwanda is not safe. Many people who remain in exile fear persecution, but in reality, Rwanda has achieved peace and stability. When I returned, I was warmly welcomed by the government, my neighbours, and fellow citizens,” says the land management engineer. “I regret not returning earlier because I now see the opportunities and stability that exist in Rwanda today,” he says, adding that 31 years later, people should no longer be enslaved by genocide ideology. As Rwanda approaches the 31st commemoration of the Genocide against the Tutsi, Musoni sends a message to those who still harbour negative thoughts, especially those who participated in the genocide, to abandon them and move on, just as Rwandans in the country have. “A hundred years from now, people will still remember the atrocities committed in Rwanda in 1994. The world watched as the genocide unfolded, and to this day, Rwanda is often associated with that tragic history.” “Many survivors have forgiven those who committed atrocities against them, and reconciliation efforts have made it possible for former enemies to live together in harmony with those whose families they killed,” he says. To those who were involved in the genocide, he says it is never too late to seek forgiveness and focus on positively contributing towards nation-building. ALSO READ: Security Council condemns DR Congo’s support of FDLR “There is no other price that can be paid for the crimes committed during the genocide. Many Rwandans have moved forward and have chosen peace,” he says, urging those who still harbour intentions of carrying on the genocide should stop. “I encourage those still living outside Rwanda to visit and see for themselves how the country has changed. Rwanda is now a nation of unity, security, and development.” “Living in exile, fearing an enemy that no longer exists, is uncalled for. I invite all Rwandans abroad to consider coming home and being part of Rwanda’s rebuilding and bright future,” says the former FDLR top leader, who currently lives with his brother, next to his 86-year-old mother in the Northern Province village. Musoni attended primary school in Ruhondo and later continued at Rutabo before joining Rwesero Minor Seminary in Muhazi for his secondary education. He studied finance and accounting before joining the National Post Office, where he worked for three years before heading to Stuttgart, Germany, to pursue further studies in landscaping and territorial management, graduating in 1993. As the vice president of the FDLR, he actively mobilised members of the group, impeding the disarmament and voluntary repatriation or resettlement of combatants belonging to those groups, in breach of Resolution 1649 (2005) of the United Nations Security Council. Musoni was arrested by German authorities on 17 November 2009, found guilty in a German court on 28 September 2015 of leadership of a foreign terrorist group, and received an eight-year sentence. He was released from prison immediately after the trial, having served over five years of his sentence.
