The extremist CDR party and the Hutu Power movement actively derailed the peaceful political transition in Rwanda by violently opposing the power-sharing provisions of the 1993 Arusha Accords. They played a pivotal role in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

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Bitter criticism by leaders of opposition parties and the signing of the Arusha Peace Agreement on August 4, 1993, dealt a severe blow to government leaders intent on safeguarding their benefits and privileges. By establishing principles of political and ethnic cohabitation, the opposition parties and the Arusha Accord - especially the provisions related to the repatriation of refugees, the reintegration of RPA combatants into the Rwandan army, and the sharing of power in a broad-based transitional government - undermined the ethnic base of the existing regime.

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Faced with political and military pressure, as well as the enthusiasm expressed by many Rwandans regarding the Arusha Peace Agreement, it became difficult for the genocidal regime to maintain ethnic leverage without resorting to a media campaign aimed at manipulating public sentiment. The media went even further than the defenders of the peace accord in weakening political opposition and pushing it into a logic of genocide.

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Amid a range of difficulties, safeguarding the achievements of the 1959 Revolution or rejecting the so-called Tutsi "hegemony” was portrayed as a matter of national urgency. It was under such conditions that CDR and the Hutu Power movement were created to assess the challenges at hand and determine the course of action to address them. The aim was to compel Hutu participation in the struggle these groups were engaged in and to oppose any attempt at compromise.

In the process of constructing interests that were to be defended, these structures actively contributed to the intensification of identity-based sentiments, with two main objectives. On the one hand, they sought to dismantle multiparty politics and derail the Arusha process. On the other, they aimed to foster a unified Hutu bloc against the Tutsi. The first objective involved manipulating wartime tensions so that some individuals could rely on those willing to confront the perceived enemy. The second revolved around the threat attributed to the Tutsi. Stereotypes established during the colonial period were used to further these aims and fuel a pursuit of power.

The role played by democratic opposition parties during the crucial period between 1991 and 1994 should also be considered, focusing on three parties: MDR, PL, and PSD. Created in a context of crisis, these parties initially adopted a critical stance toward the ruling regime. They advocated for democratic institutional reform, supported power-sharing, and sought to combat ethnicity. They distinguished themselves by denouncing the handling of issues related to war, the economy, population, and social justice.

These positions led the public to perceive the new political parties as a credible alternative to the MRND. However, soon after, tendencies toward opportunism, rivalry, and personal ambition for power became more visible. The departure from their original objectives became evident, and much of the initial support they had gained rapidly diminished.

Extremist movements revived accusations of betrayal and alleged complicity between the opposition and the RPF, which was broadly portrayed as a Tutsi-led party. The extremism of the MRND and CDR echoed that of radical factions within MDR. These extremist movements increasingly aligned themselves with the presidential movement, positioning themselves as a popular force within the political landscape of Rwanda.

The writer is a historian based in Kigali.