A former preacher has revealed how the FDLR militia manipulates religious teachings to spread extremist ideology, justify violence, and sustain anti-Tutsi narratives in eastern DR Congo.
While Christian doctrine typically promotes unity, captured in the verse "How good and pleasant it is when God’s people live together in unity” (Psalm 133:1), Jean Damascene Niyonzima says such messages are deliberately distorted or ignored within militia-controlled areas.
In an interview with The New Times during the 75th cohort reintegration ceremony at Mutobo Demobilisation Centre in Musanze District, the 60-year-old recounted how churches operating in these areas have become tools of propaganda.
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"One thing for sure within the FDLR operations is that it has managed to make Rwandans in DR Congo and their allies believe that a Tutsi is an enemy,” he said.
Niyonzima joined the militia in 1999 after fleeing Rwanda in the aftermath of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. A former assistant bourgmestre in the former Commune Kinyoni in Northern Province, he later rose through the ranks, taking on both civilian and religious roles.
In 2023, he became a pastor in a CEPAC church in Tongo, Rutshuru Territory, placing him at the centre of ideological mobilisation.
From the pulpit, he said, biblical teachings are selectively interpreted and fused with longstanding ethnic propaganda to legitimise hostility.
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"Just as we used the Bible to teach moral values, we also used it to define our ‘enemy’ in biblical terms,” he explained. "We referred to verses about confronting enemies, presenting the fight as divinely sanctioned.”
According to Niyonzima, this narrative builds on pre-genocide teachings and propaganda.
"When it comes to ideology, we relied heavily on what we were taught in schools before the genocide, combined with propaganda about Tutsis, their supposed behaviour and how they operate,” he said. "We delivered hate teachings that portrayed the Tutsi as inherently bad, exactly as was done in the lead-up to the 1994 genocide.”
These messages are reinforced daily, linking Tutsis to a perceived enemy and encouraging followers to act without fear.
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"We do everything possible to convince people that there is no way to relate to Tutsis except through confrontation,” he said.
He added that new recruits are required to share emotional accounts of persecution in Rwanda, whether true or not to gain acceptance, further entrenching group identity and hostility.
Beyond preaching, Niyonzima described how religious practices such as prophecy are manipulated to consolidate power within the militia.
"Prophecy is a powerful instrument in the jungle,” he said. "Leaders are surrounded by intercessors who help sustain their authority.”
Individuals are often pre-selected to deliver "prophecies” that align with decisions already made by leadership, including appointments to key positions.
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"They prepare someone who, during prayer, falls into a trance-like state and begins to ‘prophesy’ in line with predetermined plans,” he said. "This makes decisions appear divinely ordained and avoids internal disputes.”
While senior figures are aware of the manipulation, ordinary fighters and civilians rarely question it.
Niyonzima also said militia members drew confidence from what they believed was backing from Congolese state structures, reinforcing their resolve despite difficult conditions on the ground.
However, his perception shifted after returning to Rwanda.
"Upon arriving, I realised the country is secure and well governed,” he said, contrasting what he described as disorganised fighting among Congolese forces with the discipline of Rwandan troops.
He explained that FDLR operations, including religious activities are overseen by a "presidency” that functions as a political command centre, coordinating recruitment, external relations, and welfare for refugees who fled Rwanda in 1994.
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"The leaders who participated in the genocide fear returning to Rwanda because they know they will face justice,” he said. "To survive, they must continue recruiting others, using ideology as their primary tool.”
According to Niyonzima, the group’s ideology targets all Tutsis regardless of nationality and is passed down to children raised in militia-controlled areas, who grow up with a distorted understanding of history.
"We teach them that there are no Hutus left in Rwanda, and that returning means death,” he said.
He described this as a deliberate system designed to perpetuate hatred across generations, with religion serving as one of its most powerful channels.
Niyonzima warned that the continued spread of such ideology poses a long-term threat to regional stability if left unaddressed.
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"The hatred propagated by the FDLR can destabilise the entire region over time,” he said. "It must be taken seriously.”
He argued that dismantling the militia requires isolating hardline perpetrators of the 1994 genocide from those recruited out of economic desperation and susceptible to manipulation.
"There is no effective way to end this without isolating those who initiated and continue to drive the ideology,” he said.
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Now back in Rwanda, the father of three hopes to rebuild his life after decades in the militia.