In the last episode, we saw how the execution of the genocide against the Tutsi revealed three structures that facilitated its generalisation, rapidity, and efficiency. First of all, the bureaucracy—without constituting a parallel structure of authority—controlled the circulation of resources and created a synthesis between ethnicity and its particular interests. In this piece, the other two structures are examined. The true extent of the interim government's perversion of the state’s norms and values will be laid bare.

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The second genocide structure consisted of organs such as Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, and individuals like Ferdinand Nahimana and Valérie Bemeriki. These organs and individuals relayed official information and played a crucial role in mobilising and spiritually preparing the population. They created a synthesis between the will of the regime and the expectations of the people, thereby encouraging a large number of Rwandans to participate in the genocide. Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, the national radio, and sections of the written press completed the psychological preparation of the executioners by intensifying sentiments of hatred.

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The role of local elites was equally decisive. Local leaders, journalists, traders, religious figures, and other opinion leaders manipulated public emotions by spreading fear and fuelling rumours, provoking total commitment to the genocide. Administrators, teachers, medical personnel, and, in short, all those with a certain degree of social and economic influence over the population encouraged participation in the massacres. It is evident that without the moral preparation of the executioners by local elites, the genocide against the Tutsi would not have reached the proportions it did between April and July 1994.

The third genocide structure comprised the local administrative authorities, including burgomasters, sector councillors, and cell leaders.

Provincial governors such as Clément Kayishema of Kibuye, Laurent Bucyibaruta of Gikongoro, Sylvain Nsabimana of Butare, and Gofroid Ruzindana of Kibungo sensitised and mobilised the population in accordance with extremist ideology.

They were involved in the technical and ideological preparation of the massacres in their respective regions.

Extremist ministers such as Pauline Nyiramasuhuko were also implicated. National resources—including the army, police, gendarmes, and militia—were used to track down, assemble, and kill Tutsi civilians. Local authorities transmitted orders from the highest to the lowest levels and incited the population to engage massively in genocidal acts. Some victims were killed following direct instigation by these authorities; others were murdered in public or official places under their direct control.

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As already mentioned, the state machinery, both human and material, was placed at the disposal of the genocide perpetrators, who were recruited from the broader population.

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Youth were enrolled in the militia, while adults and the elderly were mobilised either for ideological reasons or for economic gain. Among the executioners were approximately 1,500 soldiers of the Presidential Guard. They carried out massacres in Kigali from the evening of April 6, 1994, before extending their operations throughout the country. There were more than 50,000 militia members—namely the Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi—who immediately joined the Presidential Guard in hunting down, arresting, and killing Tutsi civilians. The militia was supported by local leaders, the district police, certain elements within the army and the police, as well as ordinary citizens.

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The organisation and execution of the genocide against the Tutsi demonstrate the central role played by the government. First and foremost, the state neither prevented nor punished the acts of violence organised against a segment of the Rwandan population. This abstention—or refusal—to protect its own citizens from discriminatory violence rendered it responsible for the atrocities.

As is well known, the fundamental responsibility of any state is to protect the population within its borders.

For that reason, the state enjoys the monopoly on the legitimate use of force. However, when a state uses force to destroy part of its population solely on the basis of its belonging to a particular group, it fundamentally perverts the norms and values upon which it is founded and which justify its existence. As demonstrated, every stage of the destruction of the Tutsi required the support of government structures.