In the previous article on the correlation between Habyarimana’s death and the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, it was noted that the Hutu-Power movement served as a stepping stone to justify the extermination of the Tutsi. The movement portrayed Habyarimana’s death as a provocation by the Tutsi. This article sheds further light on the issue.

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The attack on Habyarimana’s plane on April 6, 1994, was used as a pretext to set the genocide machinery in motion—a machinery that had been planned years earlier. The structures for genocide comprised parliamentary groups, military units, and militias trained to carry out mass arrests and killings. These groups had already tested their methods in October 1990 in Kigali, Kibirira, Mutara, Kanzenze, and Gashora in Bugesera. The media promoted the idea that the Tutsi were a fundamental threat and therefore deserved to be confronted, encouraging the execution of the genocide.

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The murder of Burundi President Melchior Ndadaye on October 21, 1993, is also significant. It allowed extremist factions within so-called opposition democratic parties to unite in outright rejection of the Arusha Peace Accord. By exploiting Ndadaye’s assassination, these extremist factions reinforced their position and provided a narrative that justified their planned campaign against the Tutsi.

By the end of 1993, extremist factions had extended their influence over state institutions, creating favourable conditions to implement the apocalyptic plan that the media had foreshadowed—though some human rights organizations had denounced it. This process was closely linked to the radicalization of violence and the brutalization of society, as a strategy to regain political influence and strengthen the ruling MRND’s power. By signing the peace agreement and committing to its implementation, President Habyarimana revealed a weakness that intensified doubts about the system’s survival. In this context, his elimination became foreseeable for two key reasons.

It would ensure immediate and widespread support from citizens who felt betrayed and aggrieved, serving as a means to reactivate Hutu identity and enable large-scale violence.

Secondly, the elimination of Habyarimana created a shock of considerable magnitude, allowing rumours, lies, hatred, and fear to undermine the gains of the Arusha Accord and steer the country toward those who rejected compromise—especially with the RPF.

In March 1994, the Belgian Ambassador to Kigali called a briefing with Belgian journalists, asking not to be quoted. According to reports, he delivered a detailed account of what was imminent: the recruitment of militias, their deployment, distribution of weapons, and lists of those targeted for death. Journalistic testimonies confirmed this information. Journalist Colette Braeckman, for example, wrote a detailed article at the end of March outlining what was about to unfold in Rwanda. Consequently, when Habyarimana’s plane was shot down on April 6, 1994, and news of Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana’s death followed the next day, she was not surprised. Similarly, the killing of political figures in Kigali on April 7, 1994, aligned with the premeditated plan.

Although the attack on the presidential jet was initially blamed on Belgian soldiers and later on the RPF, it should be understood within the broader context of the massacre plan. According to testimonies compiled by the citizens’ commission of inquiry and an independent commission investigating France’s role in the genocide, French and Belgian intelligence were fully aware of the impending genocide nearly a month before it began.

It is evident that the assassination of President Habyarimana was a crucial component of the genocide plan.

It created the emotional impact necessary for extreme and widespread violence to be accepted. Evidence submitted to the Rwandese Investigation Commission on France’s role in the genocide further supports this explanation.