On 8 September 2025, the Belgian Egmont Institute, funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, decided to ban a conference at which Professor Filip Reyntjens was to present his book “Modern Rwanda. A Political History. The fact that Belgian diplomats decided to cancel a conference that was billed as ‘academic” confirms that the scientific credibility of Reyntjens’ publications on Rwanda has been called into question. The Belgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ communiqué made this abundantly clear: ‘Given the links between the FPS Foreign Affairs and the Egmont Institute and taking into account the tensions between Professor Reyntjens and the Rwandan authorities, the event could be interpreted as an unfriendly gesture by Belgium towards Rwanda. The least that can be said is that Filip Reyntjens’ status as an expert is far from unanimous, both in Rwanda and among his academic colleagues, and even in political and diplomatic circles. His example shows how harmful the role of these ‘experts’ can be in the search for peaceful solutions to the armed conflicts that have been raging in the Great Lakes region, particularly in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, since 1994. This analysis aims to shed light on this issue. For the sake of clarity, honesty and scientific objectivity, our analysis will be based on verifiable facts, primarily Reyntjens’ own writings and statements. Academic distortions in the treatment of Rwanda Filip Reyntjens arrived in Rwanda in July 1976 as part of a cooperation programme between the law faculties of the University of Antwerp and the National University of Rwanda. An analysis of Reyntjens’ initial contacts and experiences in Rwanda reveals a profound disconnect from the scientific neutrality required of his position as an academic researcher, which has had a significant impact on the credibility of his publications over the past three decades. Reyntjens: militant and activist, according to his own words Filip Reyntjens describes himself as a ‘researcher-activist’! and thereby acknowledges that he deviates from academic ethics in order to espouse and defend strong political views against Rwanda: ‘On this point, the author acknowledges his commitment and even his activism in the face of the recent and dramatic history of Rwanda and Burundi’’. He adds: ‘The bridges with the political world are never broken. (...) Although I am a lawyer by training, and more specifically a constitutionalist, the relevance of law has gradually eroded, and I have shifted towards political analysis and contemporary history.’ He is keen to play down any criticism he may receive: ‘Il have admitted and even claimed my activism (...) We meet with stakeholders and create networks which, by their very nature, develop a structure and a public face. (...) Even when we do not choose to be activists, we are still involved in political practices. Even though Reyntjens appears confident, he does not stand by his choices when questioned about his bias against academic requirements. He resorts to slander and intimidation by insulting those who point out his mistakes, calling them ‘RPF fanatics, idiots, stupid, poor, ridiculous, trolls, etc. On the other hand, he plays the victim by arguing that people are attacking him personally rather than his arguments. However, it is impossible to understand an author’s ideas without knowing his personality and motivations and without examining his intellectual capacity. In this case, the fundamental question concerns the credibility of Reyntjens expertise on Rwanda, a country he describes himselfas an ‘expert, an ‘opportunist and a ‘political activist, even though, as indicated above, he has not set foot there for more than thirty years. He publishes on the basis of unreliable information gathered mostly on social media, which comes from perpetrators of genocide whom he has associated with in the past, their sympathizers, or ‘opponents’ who have left Rwanda, often for reasons related to crimes they committed there. Finally, another motive behind Reyntjens’ activism is his membership of Amnesty International. When Reyntjens arrived in Rwanda, he was not just an academic assistant, he was also an Amnesty International activist, for whom he called for attention to be paid to Rwanda: “I invite Amnesty International to take a greater interest in the country. “It may therefore be this link with Amnesty International that explains Reyntjens’ shift into politics and his desire to influence the fate of Rwanda, rather than scientific discipline. Admissions of vulgarity in his activism Recent revelations circulating on social network X refer to Reyntjens past in Rwanda, where he allegedly frequented young Rwandan girls, which ended badly. Reyntjens is said to have had an intimate relationship with a young Tutsi girl from Butare, who left him because she could no longer tolerate her partner's ties to dignitaries of the Habyarimana regime, responsible for discriminatory and repressive policies in Rwanda between 1973 and 1994. Reyntjens is said to have become angry and stormed out, swearing open hatred towards the Tutsis. It should be noted that Reyntjens lived permanently in Butare between 1976 and 1978 as a professor at the Faculty of Law of the National University of Rwanda, and then made regular visits of varying lengths between 1979 and 1987. Reyntjens categorically rejects this accusation, calling it false. We have no knowledge of this and give him the benefit of the doubt. However, Reyntjens himself does not hide the fact that he behaved in a manner that was not very commendable and that may raise questions. He writes: “My first contact with Rwanda dates back to 17 July 1976. I don’t remember who said that you are born where you become aware, but I find this phrase very applicable to my case. (...) It was also in Butare that I took my first steps in Burundi, in a context that was initially less academic. As Bujumbura was at the time a much livelier place than the “villages” of Butare and even Kigali, I sometimes went there at the weekend to enjoy the good restaurants, nightclubs and lake. Such an admission could easily lend credence to revelations about his failures with Tutsi girls, which allegedly upset him to the point of arousing general and senseless hatred. Witness to ethnic discrimination against the Tutsi Filip Reyntjens knowingly forges the history of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi. He himself states that since his arrival in Rwanda in 1976, he has witnessed the misdeeds of the Habyarimana regime's policy of discrimination and oppression, which flagrantly violated the most basic human rights of the Tutsi. He testifies: “In 1977,’ he writes, “we did something that had not been seen in Rwanda for a long time. We needed to recruit a secretary, and we advertised the vacancy rather than hiring someone through “pistonné” (connections). Worse still, we organized a competition and selected the best candidate, who turned out to be Tutsi. A few weeks later, I was summoned by the head of the Prefectural Intelligence Service, which reported to the all-powerful Central Intelligence Service, headed at the time by the feared Commander Théoneste Lizinde. The man informed me that following this recruitment, we would have two Tutsi out of four administrative and technical staff members, whereas the “quotas” stipulated ten per cent Tutsi; we could therefore not recruit Libérata”. Admission of methodological shortcomings Reyntjens acknowledges that his methodology for dealing with Rwanda is flawed, which undoubtedly detracts from the quality of his publications on the country: ‘I never kept a diary, mainly out of laziness. What I recount is therefore based on my memories (...) but I cannot rule out the possibility that some of my memories may have been tainted by time or by subsequent events. Despite these serious, acknowledged shortcomings, Reyntjens perseveres, noting, ‘If! had to do it again, I think I would.’ He goes so far as to assert his scientific subjectivity: ‘I write from my own subjectivity (...) lexpose myself, but I am in good theoretical company’. Readers are warned! Reyntjens’ publications on Rwanda in the light of scientific ethics The recognition of his activism means that Reyntjens’ personality, political considerations and publications on Rwanda are completely biased and erroneous. To be continued in Part 2. The writer is Rwanda's Minister of National Unity and Civic Engagement. The article was first published in Dialogue magazine, Special Edition No. 211, “The Prolonged Genocide”.
