‘Liberation is a continuing journey, not a single event’ – Col (Rtd) Jill Rutaremara

Thirty-two years after the liberation of Rwanda, July 4 remains a defining milestone in the country's history, marking not only the military defeat of the regime that presided over the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi but also the beginning of a broader national transformation. over the decades, Rwanda has rebuilt its institutions, reshaped its security sector, and expanded its role beyond its borders as one of the world's leading contributors to peace support operations. As the country commemorates Liberation Day 2026, retired Colonel Jill Rutaremara, the Director of the Rwanda Peace Academy, a regional peacekeeping training and research institution, reflects on the enduring significance of the liberation struggle from a military and national security perspective. He discusses how the values forged during the liberation war continue to influence the Rwanda Defence Force, the evolution of Rwanda’s security institutions, and the country's approach to regional and international peacekeeping. Rutaremara also shares his views on the contribution of women to the liberation struggle, the importance of preserving unity and resilience, and the responsibility of the younger generation to safeguard the gains achieved since 1994. In this interview with The New Times' James Karuhanga, he offers his perspective on liberation as an ongoing process of securing peace, development, dignity, and national self-reliance. The excerpts: Let’s talk about the significance of July 4, 1994. What did the liberation of Rwanda mean from a military and national security perspective? July 4 is the country’s national Liberation Day. July 4, 1994 has a military and national security significance. In December 1987, after analysing the problems facing Rwandans, in and outside the country, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) came up with a political programme detailing those problems and solutions. But the political programme could not be implemented with a dictatorial regime in power in Rwanda. Efforts to resolve the problem through peaceful means failed. The regime was adamant and not responsive to the plight of Rwandans because it relied on the coercive instruments of the state and the backing from some foreign governments such as those of Belgium, France and the former Zaire. Indeed, this is why the RPF later adopted option Z [the military option] that culminated in the defeat of the genocidal regime, by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). ALSO READ: Habyarimana's role in planning, implementing 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi Back to your question, July 4, 1994 is important in two ways. First, the dictatorial regime in Rwanda was defeated, thereby laying a solid foundation for socio-economic and political transformation in the country. In short, it laid a foundation for the implementation of the RPF political programme and other national programmes. ALSO READ: Why genocide ideology doesn’t dissolve three decades after dispersion of genocidaires Second, the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi was stopped although more than one million Tutsi had, unfortunately, been killed with the active participation and close supervision of the State. And this happened as the international community looked on. While immediate post genocide Rwanda was characterised by seemingly insurmountable problems, July 4, 1994 was a turning point in the history of the country. Stopping the genocide signalled a strong commitment and determination to Never Again, and to the eradication of all divisive ideologies in Rwanda. The defeat of the genocidal regime and stopping of the genocide against the Tutsi also affirmed the importance of self-reliance and determination of Rwandans to shape their own destiny. ALSO READ: Following the money: Inside FDLR's war economy and the networks that sustained it On the meaning of liberation, national liberation goes beyond the defeat of the genocidal regime on July 4, 1994. This is because liberation is supposed to address issues of physical security and other forms of security including human security. It is about addressing socio-economic problems and other obstacles to development such as negative mindset. This is precisely why members of the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) and even other national security organs are active participants when it comes to addressing the issues of poverty, shortage of schools, health centres, drinking water, malnutrition or shortage of food, physical infrastructure, poor environmental conditions, injustice, crime, negative mindset, and so on. Liberation cannot be complete when national security threats such as divisionism and other forms of underdevelopment are not yet fully addressed. When the security organs participate in the annual Defence and Security Citizen Outreach Programme, they are contributing to the liberation process in Rwanda. Greater partnership with the wider population and involvement of a diverse range of institutions is needed in putting the ideals of liberation into practice. In a military and security perspective, the essence of July 4 marked the beginning and continuation of the liberation process in Rwanda by means other than the use of the gun. Have the guns been silenced? Yes, to a great extent. But not totally because Rwanda still faces existential threats. For example, genocide ideology remains alive in the region. From your perspective, as a retired military officer, what is the enduring military and national security significance of July 4? In simple terms, it is a society that is positively transformed in terms of unity, socio-economic wellbeing, mindset, resilience, dignity, self-confidence, self-reliance, and that is able to able to determine its own destiny and make the right choices. ALSO READ: We are misreading the FDLR threat: It is dangerous incubator of genocide ideology, not just an armed group It is also an army, or security institutions that symbolise resolute commitment to the pledge of Never Again. How did the liberation struggle shape the evolution of Rwanda's security institutions? During Habyarimana’s rule, the military served as a tool for protecting the regime in power rather than safeguarding national security. Like Habyarimana’s regime, the army in Rwanda was highly sectarian, anti-people, lacking in self-confidence and feared by the very Rwandans it was meant to protect and defend. In short, it was wholly lacking in positive values. This is why some members of Habyarimana’s army were instrumental in the planning and carrying out of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. There was therefore a need to build a totally different army that was professional, disciplined, effective, and pro-people. The President and Commander-in-Chief of the RDF, His Excellency Paul Kagame, is credited for having built the RPA and later the RDF. After assuming command of the RPA, around mid-October 1990, the Chairman of the RPA High Command [Kagame] found the RPA in a very sorry and pathetic state. The RPA had literally been defeated, had very low morale, a high number of casualties, weak and malnourished soldiers. In addition to being poorly equipped and trained, RPA fighters had no sense of direction, lacked a unifying doctrine and a unique identity as well as a shared sense of purpose. ALSO READ: How Kagame masterminded RPA’s decisive campaign against Genocide within hours In building the RPA, the Chairman of the High Command ensured that various programmes were conducted simultaneously. First, he gave orders for the RPA to withdraw. Weak, sick or wounded soldiers were evacuated, treated and given food. The Chairman also reorganised, restructured the RPA and streamlined its command and staff while at the same time maintaining the continuity of combat operations. Training and retraining of the RPA also continued under these difficult circumstances. Over time, arms, ammunitions, various types of logistics such as communications and signal equipments as well as military uniforms and medical supplies were also secured. The Chairman changed the fighting strategy, thereby reducing the number of casualties and increasing the morale of troops. What was more remarkable was the instilling of positive values, positive mindset, cultural identity and a shared sense of purpose in the RPA. Through his wise counsel, the Chairman of the High Command enhanced political and ideological clarity among the RPA. This is how positive values such as patriotism, discipline, resilience, dignity, a victory-driven mindset and efficiency in order to achieve much results using modest resources, were instilled in the RPA. In fact, up to this day, the ideology and culture of the RPF that guided the RPA continues to shape the conduct of the RDF. The work of the Chairman of the High Command was complemented by political education training at all levels, and by the efforts of subordinate commanders. Other remarkable things that the Chairman of the High Command did include setting standards and enforcing them as well as demanding for strict accountability and high standards of discipline. For example, commanders at all levels would answer for personnel losses under their command. Commanders would also account for the resources, welfare, discipline and morale of their troops. This is still done in the RDF. Counselling was the first line of defence, and where it failed, disciplinary procedures and RPA Tribunals were applied in accordance with the RPA Code of Conduct. This corrective approach continues to guide the RDF up to today. It is these values that were imparted to the RPA as well as political and ideological clarity that are still relevant to the RDF. More than the military materiel and military training, it is these values and ideological clarity that define the RDF to this day. It is actually the same values that gave the RPA, and later the RDF, a unique cultural identity and a competitive edge over Rwanda’s adversaries. I suppose these are the enduring liberation values that continue to influence the RDF doctrine, training, ethics and conduct of operations. How has this experience, especially the journey from recipient of peacekeeping to contributor to global peace, influenced Rwanda’s international role? The bad experience that Rwanda has gone through informs her active role in international and regional peacekeeping. One of the bad experiences is the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Because of the genocide, Rwanda would not like to see another genocide, or mass killings, taking place anywhere in the world. This is one of the reasons why Rwanda offers her modest contribution when it comes to peacekeeping or peace support operations. Two, conflict in other places affect Rwanda either directly or indirectly. I am sure you have heard how the terrorists in Mozambique have been trying to establish cells or points of contact in Rwanda. The problem of Congolese refugees in Rwanda and in the region is also another vivid example. Three, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) was a disaster. It was another bad experience because they did very little to protect the civilians. Rwanda seeks to do it differently. This is why Rwanda believes in a robust posture when it comes to protection of civilians in UN or AU peace operations or under bilateral frameworks such as those in Mozambique and Central African Republic. I am not sure if you attended the High-level International Conference on Protection of Civilians that was held in Kigali in 2015. In his keynote address during the official opening, His Excellency President Paul Kagame pointed out that ‘the purpose of peacekeeping is protection of civilians.’ When the RDF and Rwanda National Police (RNP) are in a peace mission, that is what they do. That is why they go there. In all the international conferences on peacekeeping I’ve been to, Rwanda’s peacekeepers are praised for what they do and how they do it even though it is what every peacekeeper is supposed to do. Four, the experience of the RPA, and later the RDF, also shows that civil-military cooperation is key to the conduct of operations. It is the people who provide the RDF with intelligence information. It is they who feed, equip, and clothe the RDF. On the other hand, the RDF has gained their trust and confidence because of its discipline and its proven ability to defend the population credibly. This mutual partnership enhances operational effectiveness. This Rwandan experience is also relevant in host nations where Rwandan peacekeepers operate. Talk about the contribution of women in the liberation struggle, and today. What is your perspective on their contribution in all stages of the liberation struggle, until now? Especially because they were sidelined by culture, religion and further by former governments. Yes, you are right, women were, in the past, sidelined due to cultural and religious factors and by past governments in Rwanda. But, the RPF did not sideline them. The participation or contribution of women in the liberation struggle started during the formation of the RPF, when women structures were established and strengthened. The RPF built strong women and youth structures starting from December 1987. Since that time, women played a significant role in the RPF and later, in the Liberation War. The point I am trying to make is that the RPF realised, from the word go, that you cannot achieve much if over 50 per cent of your population or constituency is not on board. In any case, women are just as human as men. And by the way, women continue to play a critical role in the ongoing liberation struggle, be it in the Army, Police or other domains. Good enough, the Government of Rwanda has implemented programmatic laws and policies that promote inclusion and effective participation of women in political, social and economic spheres. There is also ample political will and commitment to that effect. The figures in Rwanda speak for themselves. This is my perspective because every human being’s contribution matters. Let me also add that inclusion of women in any project brings unique perspectives and concerns which men may sometimes not be able to see or appreciate. This again underscores the importance of women inclusion. Exclusion is not a healthy practice and it will never be. As a parting shot, what is your message to the country’s youth? Most Rwandans today are too young to have experienced the events of 1994. As Rwanda marks another Liberation Day, what message would you like to share with the country's youth about preserving the gains of liberation and shaping Rwanda's future? You are absolutely right. The youth do not have the experience we have because we lived in a different time and space. But they also have their own experience. More importantly, they can learn from those who lived it. All that is required is the will and desire for continuous learning from the senior citizens and from other sources including books, newspapers such as the New Times, speeches and wise counsel, for example, through the speeches by His Excellency the President and other senior leaders. The fact that one was young in 1994 is not a sufficient excuse. Another message is related to self confidence that I earlier alluded to. Rwanda was liberated largely by the youths. The youth should ask themselves one question; if others can do it, why not me? And, I want to assure the youth that many of them are already making valuable contributions, be it in the military or outside the military. More youth should come on board. My final message is that a lot of blood was shed in order to liberate Rwanda. Since 1994, enormous progress has been made and various institutions built. The youth should jealously defend and protect the gains of the national liberation and even contribute to more development because a lot remains to be done. What is required here is for the youth to imbibe positive values that we are constantly reminded of by the President of the Republic of Rwanda and other leaders. This is the only way to guarantee the unity, security, and prosperity of Rwandans.

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‘Liberation is a continuing journey, not a single event’ – Col (Rtd) Jill Rutaremara