An analysis of political speeches broadcast by official and private media reveals that, from 1992 onward, a growing sense of possible failure was developing within the Rwandan regime. ALSO READ: Kayibanda, Mugesera and Bagosora: The Tropical Nazis The regime perceived that the demands for multiparty democracy and the then ongoing war could undermine the foundations of its power. On the one hand, the emergence of multiparty politics demonstrated that ethnicity could no longer serve as the sole basis of its legitimacy. On the other hand, pressure from the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) reinforced fears of a possible military defeat. ALSO READ: Habyarimana's role in planning, implementing 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi As observed in other genocidal processes, there is a profound relationship between the perception of failure and the resort to violence. When a regime becomes aware of its vulnerability, it may turn to violence in an attempt to reassert its authority and restore its prestige. However, democratic demands and war alone cannot fully explain the transition to mass murder. It is at this point that ideology becomes a decisive tool for mobilisation during a serious crisis. ALSO READ: Kangura's 8th Hutu commandment re-examined Ideology functions by constructing the identities of those perceived to be under threat and those alleged to be responsible for that threat. This process of identity construction generates mutual mistrust, while simultaneously legitimising and facilitating violence. ALSO READ: A historical timeline of Belgium's divisive politics in Rwanda On this subject, Alison Des Forges, an American historian and human rights activist, explains how this form of mobilisation contributed to the dynamics of destruction. She notes: “The Rwanda genocide is unique in the way its organisers strove to mobilise the population to participate massively in the killings. Far from hiding their objective, they announced in campaigns, in the press and on the radio, their intention to exterminate the Tutsi citizens of Rwanda. They urged the Hutu to participate in the massacre campaign, insisting that everyone was concerned. By directing fear and hatred against the Tutsi, the organisers of the genocide hoped to forge solidarity among the Hutu. Beyond that, they intended to create collective responsibility for the genocide.” ALSO READ: Why the Agathe Kanziga genocide dossier matters It is important to remember that the methods used to secure popular support for violence against a targeted group vary according to specific circumstances. In general, ideological propaganda plays a decisive role. It operates by developing and justifying the motives for mass violence. In Rwanda, between 1992 and 1994, such propaganda worked by fostering the belief that the Tutsi posed a threat to the survival of the Hutu. ALSO READ: Leon Mugesera gets life term for Genocide crimes An excerpt from genocide convict Léon Mugesera’s speech delivered at Kabaya in November 1992 is characteristic in this regard. Mugesera was the deputy chairman and special advisor to the former ruling party, MRND, that orchestrated the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. He declared: “You know what vigilance is. Ladies and gentlemen, there are some Inyenzi in the country. They sent their children to the front to help Inkotanyi. Why don’t we exterminate all these people who are sending the youth to the front? Tell me, are you happily waiting for them to come and massacre you? Our Constitution stipulates that justice is done in the name of the people. “We shall see to it ourselves that we massacre that gang of bastards. As you know, the Gospel says that if a snake comes to bite you and you allow it to remain in your midst, it is you who will perish. All foreign elements at the cell level must be identified. If they are in connivance with Inyenzi, they must perish without any form of trial. I repeat, we must set the ball rolling.” Propagandists and state officials successfully reframed the extermination of the Tutsi minority as an act of legitimate self-defence that was supposedly necessary for the survival of the Hutu population. The writer is a historian based in Kigali.
