Following the money: Inside FDLR's war economy and the networks that sustained it

During a dialogue on the history of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and Rwanda's journey toward rebuilding unity, resilience, and national cohesion held at Mutobo Demobilization and Reintegration Center and organized by Unity Club Intwararumuri in partnership with Rwanda Demobilization and Reintegration Commission (RDRC), former FDLR combatants shared first-hand accounts of life within the genocidal militia operating in eastern DR Congo. ALSO READ: Former FDLR deputy president on how genocidal militia was formed The Kinshasa-backed FDLR is a terrorist militia formed two decades ago by remnants of the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi who have, for more than two decades, found safe haven in DR Congo and elsewhere in the region and beyond. ALSO READ: FDLR links to Habyarimana's son raise regional security concerns - report Among the speakers was ‘Lt. Col.’ (Rtd) Emilien Mpakaniye, a former FDLR officer responsible for resource mobilization. Drawing on years spent within the organization, he provided a detailed account of how the group sustained itself financially and logistically while pursuing its long-standing objective of destabilizing Rwanda. ALSO READ: FDLR kills 10 in eastern DR Congo His testimony sheds light on a vast and diversified network of funding sources that enabled the genocidal militia to survive for decades in the jungles of eastern DR Congo. According to Mpakaniye, the most significant source of support came from the Congolese government. He stated that FDLR regularly received money, weapons, medicine, uniforms, and other logistical supplies. Recalling specific instances, he described seeing Antonov cargo aircraft land with shipments that included clothing, ammunition, and medical supplies destined for the armed group. Such support explains how the genocidal militia has managed to maintain its operational capabilities despite repeated military setbacks. ALSO READ: Understanding FDLR’s source of funding Beyond government support, FDLR built a self-sustaining economic system around the exploitation of mineral resources. Mpakaniye explained that the group controlled and exploited mines producing gold, tin, tungsten, and others. Through networks developed over the years, these minerals were transported and sold through channels extending far beyond eastern DR Congo. ALSO READ: Belgian lawyer on why genocide ideology doesn’t dissolve three decades after dispersion of genocidaires The proceeds from mining became a critical source of revenue, helping finance military operations and sustain fighters in remote areas. Another lucrative source of income was cattle theft. According to the former commander, FDLR fighters regularly raided communities, particularly targeting Banyamulenge and other Congolese Tutsi communities in North and South Kivu. Stolen livestock was then sold to generate funds for the terrorist group. Such activities not only enriched the armed group but also deepened insecurity and humanitarian suffering among local populations already trapped in decades of conflict. ALSO READ: Forgotten context: Why blaming Rwanda won't solve DR Congo's crisis FDLR's economic activities extended far beyond traditional armed-group operations. Mpakaniye revealed that the group controlled vast agricultural areas, particularly in Rutshuru Territory and surrounding parts of North Kivu. In locations such as Kirama, Kazaroho, and Binza, he said, FDLR controlled approximately 3,000 hectares of land. The armed group cultivated crops, harvested agricultural products, and sold them on local markets. Revenues generated from these activities were channeled back into its operations, creating yet another source of financial sustainability. One of the more striking revelations concerned cannabis cultivation. According to Mpakaniye, the genocidal militia cultivated cannabis on a significant scale and sold it to various buyers, including members of the Congolese armed forces and even personnel serving with the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO. He also said that MONUSCO aircraft were often used to transport the product. ALSO READ: UN Genocide prevention chief hears ‘harrowing stories’ of Congolese refugees in Rwanda These revelations highlight the extent to which criminal activities became intertwined with FDLR's survival strategy. The former FDLR commander also described how the group exploited protected wildlife areas, particularly within the Virunga ecosystem. FDLR fighters hunted elephants and other wildlife, selling ivory and other animal products on illicit markets. Such activities not only generated revenue but also contributed to the destruction of one of Africa's most important conservation areas. ALSO READ: Habyarimana's role in planning, implementing 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi Another major source of income came from logging and charcoal production. Operating in and around Virunga National Park, FDLR members cut timber, produced charcoal, and sold it across the region. Mpakaniye explained that local youth were often attracted by the promise of income and employed in charcoal production. According to his account, some of these young workers were later forcibly recruited into the armed group, creating a cycle in which economic hardship became a pathway into militancy. From mining and agriculture to cattle theft, poaching, logging, and drug cultivation, FDLR developed multiple streams of income that enabled it to survive despite sustained military pressure. For former combatants who have chosen demobilization and reintegration, sharing these experiences is an important contribution to understanding how armed groups operate and why they have remained resilient for decades. Their testimonies also reinforce a broader lesson: achieving lasting peace in eastern DR Congo requires more than military action alone. It demands the dismantling of the economic networks that finance armed groups, enable recruitment, and allow them to continue destabilizing the region. The writer is political commentator.

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Following the money: Inside FDLR's war economy and the networks that sustained it