The crisis in eastern DR Congo has drawn the involvement of national, regional, and international actors for decades but despite repeated commitments to peace, human rights, and international law, many international partners and United Nations (UN) actors have applied these principles inconsistently. The geopolitical importance of DR Congo has encouraged a form of transactional diplomacy in which strategic interests often outweigh ethical and legal standards. ALSO READ: Why blaming Rwanda won't solve DR Congo's crisis Several examples illustrate this contradiction. In 2023, a senior UN representative stated that 85% of the ammunition used by armed groups in the country originated from the Congolese army (FARDC). In 2023, the government went further by officially recognising many of these militias as “reservists.” These groups have openly promoted violence against Congolese Tutsi communities and have been implicated in serious human rights abuses. Despite this, the Congolese army continues to cooperate with them. ALSO READ: M23 are no terrorists, the Congolese army is – say Bukavu residents UN peacekeeping forces have also maintained cooperation with the Congolese army despite its collaboration with armed groups such as the Kinshasa-backed genocidal FDLR militia, whose members participated in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and the Islamic State-linked ADF, a Ugandan terrorist organisation. ALSO READ: Why genocide ideology doesn’t dissolve three decades after dispersion of genocidaires At the same time, international attention has disproportionately focused on the AFC/M23 rebellion while often overlooking atrocities committed by other armed groups, particularly the ADF and CODECO, considered as the deadliest militias currently operating in eastern DR Congo. Hundreds of additional armed groups continue to terrorise civilians with far less international scrutiny. The issue of mercenaries further exposes inconsistencies in international responses. The UN Mercenary Convention prohibits the recruitment, financing, and deployment of mercenaries. Nevertheless, despite broad international awareness, Romanian mercenaries operated alongside Congolese and UN-linked forces in Goma between 2024 and 2025 with little public condemnation. ALSO READ: How Burundian troops in South Kivu sparked a distinct humanitarian crisis amid DR Congo’s wider war Regional politics reveal similar contradictions. Belgium maintains defence and security cooperation with Burundi despite the fact that Burundi has been collaborating with armed groups, including FDLR, during its military involvement in eastern DR Congo. Burundi has also faced accusations of humanitarian blockades and famine-related violence targeting the Banyamulenge community in South Kivu. ALSO READ: Scholar tells how Burundi, FDLR connived in DR Congo village massacre Burundi justifies its intervention in DR Congo as a campaign against Burundian rebel movements operating from Congolese territory. However, these same armed actors cooperate with both the Congolese government and Congolese militias that Burundi itself supports. This contradiction has received limited attention in international reporting. Corruption further deepens the crisis. In DR Congo, corruption remains widespread across state institutions and public administration, undermining governance and accountability. Large-scale embezzlement, political patronage, and weak judicial oversight continue to weaken public trust and state capacity. Humanitarian responses also reflect unequal political priorities. Although international humanitarian organisations operate across much of DR Congo, some politically marginalised communities have received little assistance. For nearly nine years, the Banyamulenge population in Minembwe had no international humanitarian presence. In May 2026, the International Committee of the Red Cross delivered limited medical assistance to the area for the first time. Meanwhile, ethnocentric politics has become increasingly embedded in parts of the Congolese political system. Political leaders frequently mobilise support through exclusionary ethnic rhetoric during elections, contributing to the spread of hate speech through media platforms and universities, including language involving dehumanisation and incitement to violence. These examples point to a broader decline in consistent adherence to international humanitarian and human rights principles. International actors often condemn abuses selectively while overlooking violations committed by strategic allies. Such inconsistencies weaken the credibility of international law and undermine the universality of human rights standards. The writer is a researcher and analyst on the Great Lakes Region.
