Continuous bombardments cast doubt over efforts to ease the deepening crisis in Minembwe, despite a newly agreed humanitarian access protocol between the Congolese government and the AFC/M23 rebel movement. The area located in South Kivu province has endured months of a blockade that has made local communities, especially the Banyamulenge, lose access to markets and humanitarian aid. Attacks reported on April 20, just three days after the agreement was signed in Switzerland, highlight the widening gap between commitments made at the negotiating table and reality on the ground in eastern DR Congo. ALSO READ: Banyamulenge protest in US, Kenya amid rising calls for action on Minembwe crisis On Monday, AFC/M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka reported renewed strikes targeting civilian areas, noting that the coalition forces of the Kinshasa regime attacked the densely populated area of Mikenke, in Minembwe, using kamikaze drones. On the same day, the government coalition was accused of launching an attack on the Mitimingi area, in the territory of Masisi in North Kivu. ALSO READ: DR Congo: Suspected govt war plane filmed dropping bombs on Minembwe - reports These developments followed a string of incidents. For instance, the rebels reported that on April 10, an aerial strike hit the Minembwe airfield, the third attack in less than a year. From April 13 to 16, drone attacks targeted villages of Ilundu, Gakenke, Bidegu and Kalingi, killing livestock, injuring civilians, and further weakening already fragile livelihoods. The humanitarian access protocol was agreed on April 17 in Montreux, Switzerland. However, it followed earlier agreements on a ceasefire and prisoner exchange that have yet to yield tangible results on the ground. ALSO READ: What next after AFC/M23-Kinshasa talks in Switzerland? The crisis in Minembwe is rooted in the prolonged blockade imposed since late 2025 by coalition forces aligned with Kinshasa, including Burundian troops, the Rwandan genocidal militia FDLR, Wazalendo militias and mercenaries. ALSO READ: Banyamulenge take Burundi govt to court over abuses in Minembwe The blockade has cut off Banyamulenge communities, restricting movement of people and goods and limiting access to food, medicine and markets. Some civilians attempting to flee were reportedly killed at roadblocks, while others escaped only after leaving behind their property. ALSO READ: How Burundian troops in South Kivu sparked a distinct humanitarian crisis amid DR Congo’s wider war According to Oscar Balinda, another spokesperson of the AFC/M23, the situation in Minembwe deteriorated further after the movement withdrew from Uvira, a key city in South Kivu. “The Congolese coalition forces have surrounded the Banyamulenge and are bombarding them and persecuting them or force them out of the area,” Balinda said. “Usually, civilians in those areas were facilitated by the Uvira town. Now they are surrounded in Minembwe and cannot move out of it. They cannot access any of the nearby markets.” ALSO READ: EXCLUSIVE: AFC/M23’s Bertrand Bisimwa explains why rebels were forced to capture Uvira in lightning advance Balinda added that drone strikes have become a near-daily occurrence, worsening displacement and food insecurity. “Our delegation in the peace talks will continue to report and follow up; we are looking for ways to save the lives in this area which does not host any single humanitarian organization.” ALSO READ: What next after AFC/M23-EU talks? Pattern of sustained attacks Data compiled by Umoja Network, a local civil society platform, indicates a sustained campaign of attacks against civilian-populated areas since August 2025. Its reports illustrate the scale and pattern of the attacks. In the period leading up to the April 17 agreement, drone strikes targeted multiple villages, killing livestock, injuring civilians and further weakening livelihoods already strained by the blockade. On January 15, at least five drone strikes targeted localities including areas called Point Zero, Rwitsankuku and Baruta, displacing around 3,000 people, the data showed. On January 29, six drones were observed over Minembwe throughout the day. This was followed by five strikes on January 30 and at least 12 drone strikes on January 31 across several villages. ALSO READ: AFC/M23 leader Corneille Nangaa states four reasons why his movement is fighting Tshisekedi govt Questions over humanitarian access Despite the April 17 agreement, analysts remain skeptical about its implementation. Bojana Coulibaly, a Great Lakes conflict researcher and analyst, argues that continued ceasefire violations by the Congolese government undermine prospects for meaningful humanitarian relief. “The Congolese government has been violating all commitments in South Kivu including through violation of ceasefire or protection of civilians or by preventing humanitarian aid access and delivery in Minembwe,” she said. “They were shooting planes delivering aid to Minembwe last year, she noted, adding that international organizations have ignored these violations. ALSO READ: AFC/M23: DR Congo bombed aid plane after signing peace deal Coulibaly also offered a critical perspective on the broader humanitarian discourse, suggesting that calls by international organisations for access may be influenced by institutional and funding dynamics. “The reason they are asking for access is pragmatical. They have received funds last year that they need to ‘absorb’ (spend),” she said. She added that the dismantling of IDP camps around Goma city by AFC/M23 in 2025 meant that some humanitarian actors were unable to utilize previously allocated resources. “They (NGOs) have come up with the excuse of lack of access so as not to lose their jobs because if you don’t spend the money, you were given last year, you receive less the following year,” she said. Coulibaly also expressed doubt that humanitarian organizations would deploy to Minembwe given the risks. “Humanitarian organizations will also not take the risk to come near the frontline in Minembwe as their security cannot be guaranteed, especially by the Congolese government.” ALSO READ: AFC/M23, Kinshasa agree to exchange prisoners at Swiss talks She suggested that attention may instead shift to more accessible areas such as Uvira. “I don’t think Kinshasa will honor its commitments in Minembwe. I think they will focus on humanitarian access to Uvira especially for the displaced who come from Bujumbura and Sange and Luvungi so as to accuse AFC/M23/Twirwaneho of creating humanitarian need,” she said. The researcher linked the crisis to deeper regional dynamics, including ideological and strategic considerations. “Genocide ideology has taken hostage of both Kinshasa and Bujumbura as UDPS and CNDD-FDD (the ruling parties) have fully adopted anti-Tutsi ideology,” she said. “Kinshasa is using access to minerals as leverage to gain support from international players and superpowers sitting in the UN Security Council, especially the P3 and more precisely USA and France.” ALSO READ: Politics of identity, genocide ideology in eastern DR Congo hinder regional peace She argued that the coalition that comprises FDLR aims to cause “regime change” in Rwanda. “Uvira is strategic for Kinshasa/Bujumbura and Kigali. The closer you get to Rwanda the bigger the risk for Rwanda. Their target is Rwanda and currently the resistance is in Minembwe. Twiraneho have joined the AFC alliance so the “enemy” for Kinshasa and Bujumbura is in Minembwe.” ALSO READ: Burundi president claim that Rwanda plans attack unfortunate, says Nduhungirehe AFC/M23 deputy coordinator Bertrand Bisimwa questioned the value of ongoing negotiations. “In our exchanges with our populations, one question keeps coming up: What is the point of your talks in Doha, in Montreux if the Kinshasa regime places no value on its own signature,” he said. “The regime helps us to expose its own contradiction, its bad faith.”
