In the Democratic Republic of Congo, over 93% of the population identifies as Christian. The victims of ethnic hatred are Christians. The perpetrators of the violence—FARDC, Wazalendo, and FDLR—pray and sing Christian hymns before committing inhumane atrocities against their fellow Christians. There is a strong religious culture in DR Congo, and Christians claim to practice a religion that promotes peace, since the preaching of Jesus was mainly about peace and loving one another. ALSO READ: ‘Blood minerals’ in DR Congo: Myth or reality? The conflicts in the country are not motivated by religious considerations, unlike in Nigeria (Christians versus Muslims), Northern Ireland (Catholics versus Protestants), or Iraq (Shiites versus Sunnis). Conflict in DR Congo is politically induced and revolves around ethnic identity, citizenship rights, and a sense of belonging. Furthermore, religious leaders wield far greater influence than national political leaders, who often seek their support. ALSO READ: Deconstructing the so-called recycling of FDLR This article argues that churches and their leaders have failed to speak out against ethnic identity–based violence. Rather than acting as moral arbiters, they are social actors in the conflict: loyal to political power, and embodying the racial and tribal prejudices of their respective communities. Early Christian church in the face of mass Banyamulenge killings The Banyamulenge and other Congolese Tutsi are largely – more than 99 percent – Christians. In 1966, Banyamulenge Christians were brutally murdered inside a church in Gatongo, in the territory of Fizi. Ironically, the Banyamulenge were not evangelized by white or European missionaries; they received the Gospel through the Bafuliru people. Even more tragically, the killers in the Gatongo church were themselves Bafuliru Christians—notably Musa Marandura, Alexis Mushubazi, and Louis Bidarira. ALSO READ: What are the motivations of Burundi’s military intervention in South Kivu? That same year, several Banyamulenge were massacred in churches, some during prayer sessions, particularly in the village of Kirumba in the Bijombo groupement, in Uvira territory. The crisis escalated and led to the uprooting of the Banyamulenge from their ancestral land. They were scattered across the Ruzizi Plain, where thousands died from malnutrition and related diseases. ALSO READ: Unarmed Banyamulenge civilians ‘still waking up under bomb explosions’ This period coincided with the height of the Christian revival. Yet the Church remained silent. The Christian Church of DR Congo in the 1990s Between 1991 and 1992, when the Congolese Tutsi were expelled from the Sovereign National Conference (CNS) and later from the transitional parliament (HCR-PT), the president of both institutions was himself a prominent religious figure: Monsignor Laurent Monsengwo. The CNS played a decisive role in institutionalizing the exclusion of the Congolese Tutsi, laying the foundation for the ethnic identity crisis that has plagued the country for over 30 years. ALSO READ: 80-year-old Congolese reflects on lifetime of injustice, attacks in South Kivu In October 1996, when the Banyamulenge were given a six-day ultimatum to leave Zaire, the governor of South Kivu province was a pastor: Kyambwa wa Lumona. He failed to live up to Christian values by opposing this discriminatory policy and the violence that followed. ALSO READ: Bisimwa explains why rebels were forced to capture Uvira in lightning advance In Uvira in 1996, Paul Muhindanyi Semahungiro, a Munyamulenge and member of the Branhamist church, and Bizimana Semahungiro were lynched by Christian mobs. Their genitals were cut off, parts of their bodies were hung on wooden poles, and these remains were displayed throughout the city. Paul’s father-in-law, a Mufuliru, was himself a pastor. In Baraka, 380 Banyamulenge were killed inside a church. On July 26, 1996, pregnant women were disembowelled inside a church. There was no outrage from the Congolese Church at the local, provincial, or national level. During the same period, several Banyamulenge pastors were brutally murdered, their killers causing immense pain and suffering. Those killed include Pastor Zabuloni Muzuzi, Pastor Yohana Kashaje, Prophet Mariam Kinyamarura, Reverend Zacharia Semutobo, Pastor Mahota, Reverend Elias Bugunzu, and Pastor Rabani Mushapa. Reverend Elias Bugunzu was a senior leader among Banyamulenge Protestant churches. Pastors Yohana Kashaje, Mariam Kinyamarura, Rabani Mushapa, and Rukema Mahota ministered in Babembe communities. The entire village of Abela, which served as a Christian spiritual retreat and prayer centre, was destroyed. Hundreds of Banyamulenge Christians attending this retreat were killed by their fellow Christians. Mariam Kinyamarura had founded this “Kabela” village in Babembe territory, inspired by New Testament apostolic life. She preached brotherhood, tribal unity, and gender equality, and created job opportunities. Her reconciliatory vision did not spare her or her congregation from massacre. Not a single word of condemnation was issued by religious leaders at any level. Persecution of Tutsi Catholic clergy Tutsi Catholic priests were persecuted without meaningful intervention from the National Episcopal Conference of Congo (CENCO). On several occasions, hundreds of soldiers raided the bishopric of Uvira, the residence of Bishop Gapangwa, a Munyamulenge, in search of weapons. Because of his ethnic identity, he was declared an enemy of the nation and hunted like an animal, dead or alive. He narrowly escaped death and was forced into exile in Italy and later Belgium. Other Congolese Tutsi priests—Father Joseph Sibomana Semajambi, Father Philémon Mutware, Father Denis Runezerwa, Father Semusambi Yorogo, and Father Muragizi—were arrested. Some, such as Father Alexandre Kalinda Ngwije, were murdered. Survivors were deported to Rwanda, often with the support and facilitation of fellow priests from other ethnic groups. In Kinshasa, Bishop Patient Kanyamacumbi Semivumbi, a Tutsi from Jomba (North Kivu), was humiliated and removed from his position as Secretary General of CENCO. The Church did not protest. Complicity in discrimination Churches in Uvira belonging primarily to the Banyamulenge community have been destroyed, as documented in images circulating on social media. One of the main churches destroyed was built in the early 1990s following the exclusion of Banyamulenge by the state and by other religious institutions. A network of Pentecostal churches in the Kivu region was led by a Mulifiru pastor, Ruhigita Majagira, who openly embodied racial prejudice against the Banyamulenge. He referred to them as “foreigners” and excluded them from church-based public services such as hospitals and schools. This forced Banyamulenge to establish their own church in Uvira as a peaceful and inclusive place of worship. When this church-initiated community development projects, the national leadership of Protestant churches (ECC) wrote to European donors urging them not to fund Banyamulenge projects. Similarly, in 2020, Bishop Sébastien Muyengo of Uvira opposed the establishment of the Minembwe commune in Banyamulenge-inhabited areas, framing it as “balkanization” and alleging an international conspiracy against DR Congo. The commune of Minembwe lies within the diocese of Uvira, and many Banyamulenge there are Christian. The highlands of Uvira, Fizi, and Mwenga—the ancestral land of the Banyamulenge—were destroyed without a single word of indignation from the Congolese Church. Pentecostal pastor and so-called rights activist Dr Denis Mukwege has taken public positions reflecting hostility toward the Banyamulenge. He has never condemned their widespread killing and displacement and has instead likened them to “those who kill Congolese people.” During an act of cannibalism involving two Banyamulenge in Kalima, he stated: “Why are you filming such events?” Reasons for the Church’s silence Christian church leaders in DR Congo are highly influential but deeply embedded in racial and tribal prejudices. They operate within a divided society shaped by ethnocentric political ideology. They lack internal consensus and institutional support to challenge dominant narratives and are loyal to political and economic power. Many are subservient to ethnocentric political leadership or function as state actors. Christianity is often superficial and syncretic: individuals can simultaneously hold ethnic hatred, Christian belief, and other worldviews without contradiction. Tribal loyalty consistently takes precedence over Christian identity. ALSO READ: The failed church and five priests who refused to be silent Leaders of ECC and CENCO fear losing their congregations. In some cases, there is clear complicity in acts of hatred. This mirrors the role played by churches during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, where church leaders were integrated into the ruling political apparatus of Juvénal Habyarimana.
