History has shown us that the potential for liberation lies in the formation of an anti-oppression alliance of various social classes including the peasantry, the working class, and members of the intellectual elite. Capacity building for leaders and political cadres has therefore always been a permanent priority on the liberation agenda. This means clear articulation of the noble cause to fight for and a quality leadership to protect the struggle from ideologically sliding backwards. From inception, the RPF developed political and organizational views that derived from a scientific analysis of decolonisation and struggles against neo-colonialism. This analysis showed that ideological deficiency due to ignorance of the historical reality that these movements claim to transform was responsible for the failure of some groups. Learning from the past set the ground for an informed path for the struggle to liberate Rwanda. It enabled the RPF to define a correct line of thought and action to eliminate this deficiency. Another important lesson was that the principal enemy of a political struggle is within itself if not identified properly and uprooted at all stages. To address this risk, consciousness was continually built against the self-seeking evil that commonly failed liberation struggles in other countries where the revolutionary leadership simply acts on its own narrow group interest within the context of global capitalistic predation. In those countries, the liberators group ended up being tempted to preserve and reproduce itself as a privileged class, perhaps becoming a new dictatorial regime. Committing “class suicide” During the liberation war, the RPF used to emulate the Amilcar Cabral model in which leaders and cadres learnt how to truly fulfil their role in the liberation struggle. The model emphasized that the political elite must be capable of “committing suicide as a class in order to be reborn” as humble mobilizers, completely identified with the deepest aspirations of the people to which they belong. But first, the cadres must discover that it is paramount to liberate themselves from weaknesses transmitted by colonial education, a kind of acquired mentality of greed and arrogance among African intellectuals. They must commit class suicide, which begins with hating and breaking such a mentality. The RPF did not follow the Marxist theory of Amilcar Cabral, but rather recognized in his legacy a shared conviction over mental decolonization. In Kinyarwanda, the term Kwirenga can be ideologically understood as the equivalent of “class suicide.” It refers to the act of fully surrendering one’s personal interests in favour of the collective aspirations of those engaged in a liberation struggle, especially when the two come into conflict. Kwirenga embodies the acceptance of a profound duality: the awareness of being significant as a person that history has its eyes on, while also embracing the humility of being “nothing” when measured against the greater weight of society. Those who embrace this dual understanding become devoted servants of the broader liberation family, recognizing that no individual can singlehandedly move a society forward. In contrast, those who lack this humility tend to encounter, and create, problems. More than just a concept, Kwirenga reflects a value system rooted in collective empowerment. It promotes shared responsibility, sustained by discipline and driven by a common ambition to achieve lasting, irreversible transformation. To that end, the RPF emphasized vigorously the need to avoid becoming a privileged ruling group cut off from the people. To this day, the RPF remains faithful to the principles and the fundamental cause of the struggle largely due to the inspirational leadership of President Paul Kagame. Indeed, many prominent political observers describe (I borrow words from one Golooba Mutebi) as “believing in a political model that values public service as the best way to realize individual interest, sees love for Rwanda as a means for self-worth, and places the pursuit of social and prosperity for all, above the search of individual self-aggrandizement”. If it is to be, it is up to me! An old adage of the RPF helped many cadres to teach the unconvinced that “If you don’t turn to politics, politics will turn badly on you”. The liberation struggle tended to attract ordinary people regardless of whether they were identified as Hutu, Tutsi or Twa. This would eventually turn them into supporters of the RPF. That left the clique of corrupt politicians in power in isolation. Faith in such a scenario meant that victory was certain because the corrupt clique could not resist united patriots. Therefore, the adage “If it is to be, it is up to me” was ideological, not just a good saying in English. Behind it, there was also a message that politics of division could not stand against the growing awareness of the bad material conditions in which the majority of Rwandans lived and which the divisive ideology was incapable of improving. It was the historical responsibility of the RPF to develop a better vision for the future of Rwanda. It sought alternative solutions, defended them with conviction, and then applied them consciously to make a difference. First, the RPF overcame the ethnic antagonism that held Rwandans disunited. It convinced its members that the Habyarimana regime was easy to defeat since even the beneficiaries of its bad politics were able to realize that it was unsustainable. RPF cadres were therefore taught to analyse the history of Rwanda in the perspective of historical materialism (also known as the materialistic conception of history, which argues that history is a result of material conditions rather than ideas). Furthermore, the RPF regards mobilization as a continuous process that should leave no one behind. Any mobilization plan, therefore, must address all levels of resistance to change and apply methods to different levels of political consciousness. It must deal continuously with and eradicate issues that can demobilise people, such as misinformation, ignorance, petty conflicts in the community, or opposition by those exploiting the status-quo. Other attitudes to root out include scepticism and complacency. People who do not oppose or are passive are not necessarily disinterested. They must be educated to be part of the intended change in order to liberate themselves. Even people who look hostile may get enlightened through mobilization if not compromised by a situation of fear. Wrong suspicions must be demystified through the proper dissemination of correct information. Even for those interested in the change, there is a permanent need to enlarge their participation further. They may clearly show sympathy but it is not enough. They must be encouraged to take part in politics, not leave it to politicians alone, in the same way security cannot be left to the police alone, or public health to the medics only. For the RPF no section of the population of Rwanda can be secure if any other section of the same population is insecure. Those who understand this paradigm take on the responsibility to mobilize those that do not and lead them towards accepting it. The relevance of this ideological approach, as well as the consistency in living up to it, led to a quick rise in its popularity since 2000. This ideological victory was due to convincing people that problems of Rwanda could be better solved through dialogue and consensus. The writer is a Member of Parliament.
