Imagine a man so deeply lost in his own delusions that he forgets what reality looks like. He stands in front of a mirror, pointing at his own reflection, screaming, Spy! Traitor! Enemy!—completely unaware that he is accusing himself. In the grand arena of international relations, where logic often takes a backseat to farce, we are once again treated to a performance that defies reason. The Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) national army (FARDC) has recently graced us with a narrative so fantastical that it rivals the most imaginative works of fiction. Their claim? That Brigadier General Ezechiel Gakwerere, a man with a résumé steeped in the blood of innocents, was, in fact, a clandestine operative for the Rwandan government. ALSO READ: FDLR 'General' linked to Queen Gicanda murder captured in DR Congo, repatriated This assertion is not merely a stretch of the imagination; it is a full-blown dislocation. Not sure if the FARDC can manage to accommodate the shame of denying the obvious. On March 3, 2025, the BBC Kinyarwanda service published an article in which the spokesperson of the FDLR, nicknamed Cure Ngoma, confirmed that Gakwerere was one of their top leaders and had been captured in Goma. This acknowledgment is a slap in the face of the shameless FARDC, whose country's political power has imbibed the Tutsi genocide ideology. For obvious reasons, the FDLR spokesperson denied that they were working with the FARDC but acknowledged that they had a common enemy—Rwanda and the rebel group March 23 Movement (M23). This is not just the story of an army; it is the story of a political system suffering from an advanced stage of self-inflicted schizophrenia, where the distinction between truth and fiction has collapsed. The man behind the monstrosity To appreciate the sheer absurdity of FARDC’s claim, one must first acquaint oneself with the illustrious career of Brigadier General Ezechiel Gakwerere. Far from being a shadowy figure, Gakwerere’s actions during the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda are well-documented and etched into the annals of infamy. The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), established to bring to justice the perpetrators of the Genocide, has meticulously registered the heinous acts committed by individuals like Gakwerere. In the case of The Prosecutor v. Ildéphonse Nizeyimana (Case No ICTR-00-55C), Gakwerere’s name surfaces with alarming frequency—65 times—underscoring his central role in the orchestration of mass murder. Within the pages of the ICTR’s judgment, Gakwerere emerges not as a faceless bureaucrat but as a fervent executor of genocidal policies. His involvement in the assassination of Queen Rosalie Gicanda, a revered figure in Rwandan society, stands as a testament to his unrelenting cruelty. ALSO READ: Did Belgium send Queen Gicanda to her death in Rwanda? The judgment details how Gakwerere, then a Second Lieutenant, actively participated in the targeted killings of Tutsi, earning him the macabre title of Tutsi hunter. His actions were not isolated incidents but part of a systematic campaign to annihilate an entire ethnic group. In light of such overwhelming evidence, the FARDC’s assertion that Gakwerere was a Rwandan spy embedded within the FDLR is nothing short of ludicrous. This claim not only insults the intelligence of informed observers but also trivializes the suffering of countless victims. The claim by FARDC that Brigadier General Ezechiel Gakwerere was somehow a Rwandan agent within the FDLR is just another episode in this ongoing psychotic breakdown. The reality? Gakwerere was a well-documented architect of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, a man whose hands are soaked in the blood of innocents. FARDC's attempt to rewrite his story as an undercover Rwandan operative is not just a lie—it is a fever dream, a hallucination so detached from reality that one wonders if the entire Congolese military leadership is suffering from a collective mental illness. It was the kind of contradiction that would make a sane government pause and rethink its propaganda strategy. But FARDC? They simply doubled down, because once you’re lost in a hallucination, the truth is just another inconvenience. FARDC’s shamelessness: A contagion from the top To understand why FARDC operates this way, one must look at the political infection that spreads from the highest offices of the Congolese government. President Félix Tshisekedi has perfected the art of political hysteria, using Rwanda as his scapegoat for every failure. Insecurity in eastern DR Congo? Rwanda’s fault. Economic collapse? Rwanda’s fault. FARDC’s battlefield failures? Rwanda’s fault. A flat tire on a Congolese minister’s car? Rwanda must have planted it. This level of absurdity has turned Rwanda into an all-purpose excuse, to the point where even captured genocidaires like Gakwerere are suddenly labeled Rwandan agents. So why the sudden disavowal of Gakwerere? Because his capture is an embarrassment that threatens to shine a light on this alliance. The only way out? Blame Rwanda. But in doing so, FARDC has created a lie so outrageous that even their usual propaganda consumers must be struggling to swallow it. Even worse, FARDC’s poorly constructed lie was so ridiculous that their own partners in crime—the FDLR—felt the need to correct them. Imagine the embarrassment of being so incompetent at lying that even a terrorist group feels compelled to set the record straight. But instead of admitting their blunder, they continued stumbling forward, eyes glazed, mumbling nonsense about Rwandan infiltrators. The Congolese government’s love affair with Genocide deniers The mental illness plaguing DR Congo’s leadership is not confined to the FARDC—it extends into a broader political ideology that thrives on genocide denial. This is not accidental; it is a deliberate strategy designed to justify the continued presence of genocidal forces in eastern Congo. One only needs to look at how DR Congo welcomed Charles Onana, a French-Cameroonian genocide denier, with open arms in 2024. Onana, a man convicted in a Paris court for denying the Genocide against the Tutsi, was given a hero’s welcome in Kinshasa. He toured Congolese universities, spreading his poisoned nonsense, while government officials cheered him on. This tells us everything we need to know about DR Congo’s political establishment: It is not just tolerating genocide denial; it is actively promoting it. And this is not just about history; it has real consequences for the region today. One, legitimizing the FDLR – if the genocide is denied, then the FDLR is no longer seen as a group of genocidaires but as freedom fighters against Rwanda. This narrative helps justify their continued presence in eastern DR Congo. Two, blocking peace negotiations – Tshisekedi's government refuses to negotiate with M23, dismissing them as Rwandan proxies while engaging in secret deals with the FDLR. This double standard is rooted in the genocide denialist belief that the FDLR are the real victims of the 1994 Genocide against Tutsi. Three, inciting anti-Tutsi Hatred – by aligning with genocide ideologues and denialists, the Congolese government fuels the same ideology that led to the Genocide. Hate speech against Tutsi is now mainstream in DR Congo’s politics, media, and even churches. Occam’s Razor: A tool neglected Applying the principle of Occam’s Razor, which suggests that the simplest explanation is often the correct one, we find that the FARDC’s narrative requires numerous convoluted assumptions. Conversely, acknowledging Gakwerere’s role as a committed FDLR leader aligns seamlessly with the established facts. Occam’s Razor, it seems, has been relegated to the FARDC’s storage closet, gathering dust alongside other discarded tools of rational analysis. Let us, for a moment, indulge in the FARDC’s narrative. Imagine, if you will, a scenario where the Rwandan government, in a masterstroke of espionage, plants one of its most notorious enemies within the ranks of the FDLR. This agent, instead of undermining the organization, ascends to the position of Secretary-General, orchestrates massacres, and perpetuates instability in the region—all in the name of serving his supposed handlers in Kigali. Such a plot twist would make even the most seasoned thriller writers blush. There are consequences of deception. Beyond the immediate absurdity, the FARDC’s allegations have serious implications. By attempting to recast a known genocidaire as a Rwandan agent, the FARDC undermines efforts toward justice and truth. FARDC’s denial is a disservice to victims. The victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi and their families deserve acknowledgment of the atrocities committed against them and accountability for the perpetrators. The FARDC’s claims trivialize their suffering and obstruct the path to genuine reconciliation. Justice cannot be served when historical revisionism is employed as a tool of political expediency. The Great Lakes region has long been plagued by conflict, much of it stemming from the activities of groups like the FDLR. The FARDC’s collaboration with such entities exacerbates instability and hampers development. By deflecting blame and concocting fantastical narratives, the FARDC shirks its responsibility in fostering a peaceful and secure environment. Time for truth is now The Congolese state has gone from harbouring genocidaires to integrating them into its military and political system. The FDLR is not just a militia; it is a key part of DRC’s national security strategy. Instead of treating it as a foreign terrorist organization, the Congolese government uses it as a tool against Rwanda. It is not surprising that FARDC’s deception coincides with Congolese government's affinity for genocide denialism. In 2024, the French-Cameroonian propagandist media tour across Congolese television networks and universities showcased the DRC’s willingness to embrace falsehoods as state policy. Their investment in such revisionist rhetoric went as far as supporting Onana’s legal defense when, in October 2024, he was convicted of genocide denial in a Paris court. FARDC’s latest fabrication about Gakwerere, therefore, is not an isolated blunder—it is a symptom of a broader campaign to distort historical truth, justify collaboration with the FDLR, and shield genocidaires from accountability. The DRC’s embrace of genocide denial and genocidal forces is not just a problem for Rwanda—it is a regional security threat. By rehabilitating genocidaires like Gakwerere and rewriting their history, the DRC normalizes genocide denial. This is why figures like Charles Onana, Jambo Asbl, and other genocide deniers thrive in Kinshasa—because the Congolese government has turned historical revisionism into state policy. The presence of FDLR in the DRC has fueled endless wars, displacing millions of civilians and prolonging instability. Instead of acknowledging this reality, Kinshasa has chosen to double down on lies and embrace genocidaires as partners. And now, with the Gakwerere debacle, they have reached a new low: a national army being corrected by a terrorist group on live radio. A national army in a straitjacket At this point, one must ask: Does FARDC need military training, or does it need psychiatric treatment? The hallucinations, the paranoia, the inability to distinguish truth from fiction—these are not the symptoms of a serious national army. These are the signs of a mind in crisis. Félix Tshisekedi and his government must decide whether they want to continue this self-destructive path or confront reality. The longer they indulge in genocide denial and anti-Rwanda hysteria, the further they sink into delusion. For the people of the DRC, the choice is clear: they can either live in a country run by hallucinating madmen or demand leaders who are grounded in truth. Until then, the world must watch in horror as the DRC’s leadership continues its descent into madness—dragging the entire region down with it. If FARDC were a patient in a psychiatric facility, it would be strapped to a bed for its own safety. The contradictions, the fabrications, the sheer detachment from reality—all symptoms of a military force suffering from collective delusion. Their latest disaster—accusing a known FDLR commander of being a Rwandan spy, only to be corrected by FDLR itself—is the latest in a long history of self-inflicted humiliation. But this is not just FARDC’s problem. It is a reflection of the DRC’s entire political establishment, which has become a safe haven for genocidaires, a megaphone for genocide denial, and a circus of anti-Rwanda conspiracy theories. Until Kinshasa breaks free from its genocide ideology infection, the region will continue to suffer under the weight of their delusions. Meanwhile, FARDC should do itself a favor and at least coordinate its lies with FDLR before embarrassing itself on international media again.
