On July 14, 1994, during the celebrations of France’s National Day, François Mitterrand, then President of France, is alleged to have remarked off the record, when asked about the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, “In those countries, a genocide isn’t that important.” Whether this statement was truly made or not, it is an undeniable fact that Mitterrand and his administration fully supported the Habyarimana regime, which orchestrated the genocide of over a million Tutsi in just 100 days. This stance reflects the deep-seated scorn against Africans ingrained in colonial ideologies, where colonization was rationalized as a “civilizing mission” for the so-called “dark continent.” Such narratives alienated colonized Africans from their own identities, fostering an inferiority complex that lingered long after independence. Many continued to internalize colonial myths about their supposed inferiority and the supremacy of Western culture. Yet genocide is universally considered one of the worst moral crimes a government, meaning any ruling authority, or an occupation authority, can commit against its citizens or those it controls. Mitterrand was wrong and showed only his deep primitive racism towards Africans. Genocide is not defined by the number of victims or as a response to threats or injuries. It is a meticulously planned crime, executed with the intent to completely eradicate a targeted group—infants, children, adults, and elders alike. Genocide follows distinct stages: classification, discrimination, dehumanization, organization, polarization, preparation, extermination, and denial. It is this systematic progression, not the scale of casualties, that defines genocide. The Holocaust, the Cambodian genocide, and the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda exemplify this sequence. In each case, ordinary citizens were manipulated into becoming instruments of mass murder, turning against neighbors, friends, and even family members. In precolonial Rwanda, societal identity was rooted in shared nationality and lineage. Rwandans identified first as Rwandans, followed by their clan affiliations. However, colonial powers disrupted this unity, imposing racial divisions based on social roles in a traditional agro-pastoral society. Within three decades of independence, these artificial divisions evolved into deep-seated animosities, culminating in genocide. The systematic dehumanization of Tutsi, fueled by state propaganda and discriminatory policies, framed them as outsiders. Over time, this ideology infiltrated every level of society, normalizing violence and leading to the mass participation in the genocide. In 1994, after the fall of the genocidal regime in Rwanda, perpetrators fled to neighboring Zaire (now DRC), carrying their ideology with them. The collapse of Mobutu’s regime and the absence of effective governance in the DRC created fertile ground for the spread of this genocidal mindset, particularly in the Kivu provinces. Successive Congolese administrations, including that of the current president, Félix Tshisekedi, have perpetuated this ideology, using Rwanda as a scapegoat for the failures of the Congolese state. This narrative has gained significant traction, particularly among the Congolese diaspora, who amplify the false claim that Rwanda is committing genocide in the DRC. While Rwanda acknowledges having conducted military operations in the DRC, these actions have never targeted civilian populations and were carried out as defensive measures to neutralize security threats. In stark contrast, the FDLR has preyed on local populations for the last three decades, committing atrocities that qualify as acts of genocide. Yet, instead of holding the FDLR accountable, successive Congolese governments have consistently accused Rwanda while remaining silent on the crimes committed by the FDLR. The accusation that Rwanda is committing genocide in the DRC is not only baseless but also lacks any of the systematic developments that define genocide. Even in the context of extreme violence that has disrupted communities in eastern DRC, there has been no evidence that Rwanda has engaged in the stages leading to genocide, such as classification, dehumanization, or polarization. The violence, while tragic, does not meet the criteria of a planned and organized campaign of extermination targeting a specific group. This distinction is critical in understanding why the claim of genocide attributed to Rwanda is fundamentally flawed. On the contrary, Rwanda has no history of expressing hatred or animosity toward the Congolese people. Rwandans regard Congolese as close neighbors and family. Congolese are warmly welcomed in Rwanda, with some even owning property and establishing communities. Rwandans support Congolese in sports and cultural exchanges, reflecting a genuine appreciation for their neighbors. For instance, during football tournaments, it is not uncommon to see Rwandans passionately cheering for Congolese teams, celebrating their victories as if they were their own. This harmonious relationship excludes the genocidal militias, such as the FDLR, who have caused immense suffering in the DRC. These remnants of the Rwandan genocidaires are the true perpetrators of violence in the region, exploiting local tensions to propagate their hateful ideology. The claim that Rwanda is committing genocide in the DRC is not only unfounded but also a dangerous distortion of truth. It diverts attention from the real issues plaguing the DRC, such as corruption, poor governance, and the unchecked influence of genocidal militias. Instead of perpetuating this false narrative, there is an urgent need to address the root causes of conflict in the region and foster genuine reconciliation and cooperation between the peoples of Rwanda and the DRC.
