The government announced on Tuesday, February 19, that it suspended its development cooperation with Belgium, citing the Belgian government’s aggressive campaign to sabotage Rwanda’s access to international funding. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation said Belgium had decided to choose a political side in the eastern DR Congo conflict at a time when the international community is being called upon to support the mediation process. “Belgium has made a political decision to choose a side in this conflict, which is its right, but politicizing development is plainly wrong. No country in the region should have its development finance jeopardized as a tool of leverage,” the foreign ministry’s statement reads in part. ALSO READ: “We will not be bullied” - Rwanda suspends dev't cooperation with Belgium The government stated that Belgium’s punitive and one-sided measures amount to unwarranted external interference, undermining the African-led mediation process and potentially delaying a peaceful resolution to the conflict. According to the website of the Belgian Embassy in Rwanda, the cooperation programme, scheduled to run from July 2024 to June 2029, has a budget of EUR 95 million. Benjamin Machar, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Juba in South Sudan, explains that Rwanda’s relationship with Belgium has been fraught for decades due to Belgium’s historical involvement in the country’s affairs, dating back to colonisation. “Colonial rule divided Rwanda’s communities, setting in motion patterns of political events that continue to destabilise the region,” he says. Machar notes that Belgium’s involvement in Rwanda has been far from positive. “No one has been satisfied with its legacy in the region, given its role in fueling divisions that have had lasting and destabilising effects.” The legacy that Machar is pointing to is the colonial legacy, which lasted from 1916 to 1962. This legacy left a deep and lasting impact on Rwanda’s political, social, and economic structures. The Belgian administration institutionalised and reinforced ethnic identities among Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa. They introduced identity cards in 1933 that classified Rwandans strictly by ethnicity, deepening divisions. “The presence of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese in DR Congo and the ongoing crisis is the product of Belgium’s colonial history,” the professor says, referring to how Belgium's colonial border demarcations resulted in parts of Rwanda being incorporated into the DR Congo. ALSO READ: EU official warns against suspending Rwanda minerals deal over DR Congo allegations Getting rid of aid Professor Machar believes that Rwanda’s decision to suspend development cooperation with Belgium is a way to liberate itself from the dependency syndrome that many African countries are still grappling with. “Development aid is not free money. There are strings attached. It constrains you; it ties your hands. And if it can jeopardise your aspirations to uphold your values as a country, then it doesn’t serve anyone’s interest,” he maintains. The political analyst asserts that this decision has no implication on Rwanda’s domestic affairs. Instead, he is convinced that this could influence or inspire other African countries to take similar decisions. “Belgium is not a major economic power like the U.S., U.K., or France. So, no one is panicking over Rwanda’s decision,” he asserts, adding that the cycle of development aid has made many African leaders complacent, causing them to forget their responsibility to build their nations independently. Arguably, Machar’s assertion reflects a broader pattern of Western influence in Africa, one that Rwanda is actively resisting. ALSO READ: A call for understanding of the war in DR Congo Frederick Golooba-Mutebi, a Kigali-based political scientist, describes Rwanda’s decision as a response to what the government likely perceives as provocation and bad faith from Belgium. “In some ways, it’s similar to what happened in 2009 when Rwanda cut diplomatic ties with France. That, too, was a reaction to France’s bad faith,” he says. While he doesn’t see the move as purely strategic, he believes it underscores Rwanda’s commitment to its sovereignty. “If you yield to pressure from a country that provides aid and, in turn, expects to dictate your actions and behavior, then you are essentially surrendering your sovereignty. Only a nation that does not value its independence would accept such demands,” he says. Golooba-Mutebi acknowledges that the decision carries risks, as it could encourage other countries to follow Belgium's lead and suspend their development cooperation with Rwanda. “Even if that happens, Rwanda’s stance sends a clear message to all its development partners that the country will not be bullied simply because it receives financial assistance,” he observes. The political analyst points out that relations between Rwanda and France have significantly improved since Rwanda took a firm stand against France. “I hope this move will ultimately benefit Rwanda-Belgium relations in the long run, provided Belgium refrains from its bullying tactics and adopts a more respectful approach.” ALSO READ: EAC, SADC leaders approve harmonised plan for FDLR neutralisation Conflict resolution efforts undermined There have been regional efforts by African leaders to resolve the ongoing crisis, including the Luanda and Nairobi processes for which Rwanda has been actively participating in. At the same time, the East African Community (EAC) jointly with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed on measures to resolve the crisis. However, analysts argue that the actions of Belgium as well as the stance that a few European countries have taken towards the conflict undermines the ongoing diplomatic efforts and risk worsening efforts toward resolving the crisis. “It’s not just Belgium only, Western powers have been behaving in ways that make it very difficult to resolve this long running crisis in the eastern DRC, by them ignoring FDLR and its insecurity threat it poses to Rwanda and its role in disrupting Rwandophone communities,” Golooba-Mutebi notes. Rwanda has made it clear that it will never tolerate anyone who attempts to cause insecurity along its border. The government has, for years, been calling on the Kinshasa government to disarm FDLR, a rebel movement formed by remnants of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Focusing solely on sovereignty, Golooba-Mutebi submits, they are simply emboldening the government of the DRC not to address the real cause of the crisis, but to continue pretending that Rwanda has sent troops in DRC. The March 23 Movement (M23) has consistently stated its objective: to fight against the persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese, who have long been denied their basic rights. However, many Western nations view the ongoing crisis as being driven by business interests, particularly in the mineral-rich region. ALSO READ: Rwanda’s rebirth, 30 years on According to Alphonse Muleefu, a renowned author and international legal expert, a country legally reserves right to deal with whoever they want or not if their values do not align well or if their existing partnership has been used wrongly or against the other. “A country is free to choose whoever they want to work with, and if relations are not to the expectation of one of the countries that are involved in the partnership, they can always say we are getting out of this,” he says, referring to Rwanda’s move. He insists that Belgium has never been a neutral actor in resolving the conflict in DR Congo. “Belgium has never been a neutral actor; it has been a hypocritical actor. It is not on this incident only.” Belgium as a country that expressed remorse, whether genuine or not, after the Genocide against the Tutsi, Muleefu says it wouldn’t be the same country that is aligned with the genocide ideology that is being perpetrated in DRC. It remains unclear whether the suspension of development cooperation with Belgium will affect future collaboration, but analysts agree that Belgium should engage with Rwanda based on mutual respect, rather than assuming it can dictate Rwanda’s approach to its security.
