The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has once again reignited its self-destructive cycle of denial, scapegoating, and political recklessness. Government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya, speaking to French television and on the X platform, categorically dismissed the legitimacy of the AFC/M23 rebels, declaring: The M23 does not exist; it is the Rwandan army (RDF) operating in the east of our country. With this statement, the Congolese government not only dismissed M23 as an external force but also effectively stripped its members of their Congolese identity. This reckless rhetoric is not just a political statement—it is a blatant declaration of war. It is an act of erasing thousands of Congolese citizens, branding them as foreigners simply because they belong to a minority community the state has historically persecuted. The perils of denying citizenship under international law International law is clear: arbitrary denial of citizenship is a violation of human rights. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states in Article 15(1): Everyone has the right to a nationality. And in Article 15(2): No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of their nationality nor denied the right to change their nationality. The 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, to which the DRC is bound under international customary law, further prohibits states from arbitrarily stripping individuals of their nationality. The DRC government’s rhetoric against M23 violates these fundamental principles. Moreover, the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, to which the DRC is a party, enshrines the right to nationality as an essential component of human dignity and state protection. The denial of M23's Congolese identity is not just an affront—it is an illegal act under regional and international legal frameworks. History is filled with examples of what happens when governments use citizenship denial as a weapon. Nazi Germany’s first major step toward the Holocaust was the stripping of Jews' German citizenship under the Nuremberg Laws. The 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda was fueled by decades of anti-Tutsi rhetoric that cast them as foreigners who did not belong. The DRC’s current rhetoric follows the same perilous path, using citizenship denial as a precursor to large-scale repression. A government trapped in contradictions While Muyaya insists that M23 does not exist and is merely an extension of the Rwandan military, the same government is actively engaged in fighting them, discussing them in peace processes, and blaming them for the country’s instability. He further states: The issue of armed groups, including M23, will be resolved within the framework of the Nairobi process. This statement lumps M23—a well-organized movement with clear political and military objectives—together with genocidal militias like the FDLR and chaotic warlords such as the Mai-Mai and CODECO. This is a deliberate distortion. M23 was formed by Congolese soldiers and politicians who defected due to Kinshasa’s failure to honor peace agreements. Its members are from Congolese communities that have lived in eastern DRC for generations. The contradiction is shocking: if M23 does not exist and is merely the Rwandan army, then why is Kinshasa attempting to solve its issue through the Nairobi peace process? This paradox exposes the government’s bad faith and its unwillingness to engage in serious political dialogue. The tired and laughable lies Muyaya did not stop at denying M23’s Congolese identity; he also resorted to the most overused, lazy accusation in the DRC government’s playbook: The main foundation of this war is economic. Yes, according to Kinshasa, Rwanda—a country that has built a thriving economy, forward-looking infrastructure, and a stable governance system without the chaos and looting that defines the DRC—has nothing better to do than send an army into Congo to steal minerals. Because, of course, a government that has attracted multi-billion-dollar investments in technology, manufacturing, and green energy somehow needs to depend on smuggling coltan from a war zone. The irony would be hilarious if it weren’t so tragic. If Rwanda were truly the economic parasite Kinshasa describes, it would resemble the DRC itself—endlessly begging for international aid, blaming foreign conspiracies for its failures, and using its military to plunder its own citizens instead of defending them. But reality tells a different story. It is the DRC, not Rwanda, that is infamous for illicit mineral trafficking. It is FARDC officers, not the Rwandan military, who are routinely caught selling Congolese minerals to international networks. Certainly, it is Congolese politicians, not Kigali, who live in mansions funded by corrupt mining deals while their citizens wallow in poverty. And let’s not forget that every time Rwanda is accused of stealing DRC minerals, the very same Congolese leaders run to Rwanda to beg for economic cooperation, electricity, and business partnerships. Because, apparently, the thief of Congolese wealth is also the most reliable provider of services that Kinshasa itself cannot deliver. Goma residents are key witnesses. Muyaya’s rhetoric is part of a larger pattern of Congolese leadership using denial and scapegoating as political tools. His call for international sanctions against Rwanda—usual whining. “If the Luanda process is dead, it is a failure of the entire international community, which should impose strong and significant sanctions against Kagame’s regime and ....” This—further exposes the government’s unwillingness to address its internal failures. Instead of taking responsibility for decades of mismanagement, Kinshasa prefers to manufacture an external enemy to distract the population. M23 speaks: The truth from the ground Muyaya’s declarations stand in glaring contrast to the realities on the ground. On January 22, 2025, AFC/M23 issued a press release that shattered the Congolese government’s false narrative. The statement commended: “The bravery of FARDC soldiers and Mai-Mai/Wazalendo fighters who have abandoned this coalition and voluntarily joined the Armée Révolutionnaire Congolaise (ARC). We extend our sincere gratitude to them and encourage others within the coalition to follow their example.” This admission destroys Kinshasa’s propaganda. If M23 were merely a foreign invading force, why would FARDC soldiers and Wazalendo fighters be defecting to its ranks? The reality is clear: M23 is a Congolese movement with local support, including from elements within the very institutions fighting it. The People of Goma are watching On January 23, 2025, on the X platform, M23 spokesperson Lawrence Kanyuka issued a direct warning to international forces involved in the conflict, stating: “Despite our Press Release of 01/22/2025 informing SAMIDRC and MONUSCO that the AFC/M23 has neither a dispute nor a hostile stance towards them, all signals indicate that MONUSCO and SAMIDRC are ready to attack us. Consequently, we will defend ourselves.” This message makes it clear that if MONUSCO and SAMIDRC engage in direct military action against M23, they will be treated as combatants. The international community must recognize that taking sides in this conflict—especially alongside a government that collaborates with the FDLR—could lead to disastrous consequences. Perhaps the most damning statement came from Kanyuka regarding Goma: “The population of Goma has suffered a lot, like other Congolese. The AFC/M23 is on its way to liberate them, and they must prepare to welcome this liberation. They should fear nothing: the AFC/M23 is coming to bring them peace.” This is a critical moment. Residents of Goma, fed up with government neglect and insecurity, are openly voicing their support for M23. Muyaya’s denial of M23’s legitimacy does nothing to address the reality that many Congolese see the movement as a viable alternative to the corrupt and failing Kinshasa administration. Lastly, mastering the art of self-destruction Muyaya’s reckless denial of M23’s Congolese identity is not just a lie—it is an act of war. It is a direct attack on the people of eastern Congo, an erasure of their history, and an incitement to further conflict. Worse, it is a violation of international law that protects individuals from arbitrary denial of citizenship. By refusing to recognize M23’s legitimacy, the Congolese government is ensuring that the war will continue, more lives will be lost, and the country’s divisions will deepen. And as the DRC government continues its performance of denial and distraction, the world watches in exhausted amusement. Because at this point, Congolese leaders are less concerned with governing and more focused on their favorite national sport: blaming Rwanda for everything, from insecurity to potholes in Kinshasa. The water crisis? Rwanda’s fault. Corrupt politicians? Kagame’s fault. FARDC collapsing like a house of cards? Clearly a foreign conspiracy! The Congolese government is not just bad at solving problems; it is world-class at pretending they don’t exist—until they become too big to ignore. And when that happens, there’s always one solution: yell “Rwanda!” and hope nobody asks questions. But the joke is getting old, and so is the patience of the Congolese people. Eventually, even the most gullible citizen will realize that their real enemy isn’t across the border—it’s sitting comfortably in Kinshasa, feeding them lies while pocketing their future.
