Dar’s Rwandan guests, FDLR and plots against a country

LAST WEEK President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania rolled out the red carpet for Faustin Twagiramungu, once Rwanda’s Prime Minister. It is unusual for a head of state to give VIP treatment to an ordinary individual with no known achievements, or political status in his country. Twagiramungu’s only claim to distinction is his dismal failure as prime minister, perennial grumbling, plotting against his country and a high level of ingratitude to people who saved his life. In normal circumstances this would be considered a diplomatic faux pas considering that Tanzania and Rwanda are neighbours and partner states in the East African Community. Obviously this fact is not strong enough to dissuade some people against abandoning customary civilised conduct. In that sense Twagiramungu’s high level reception was not unexpected. In fact, it fits into a pattern that became public early in 2013. The visit comes after Twagiramungu announced an alliance of his little known party (to do with dreams or something) with the genocidal Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). His announcement followed another one by the Bernard Ntaganda faction of PS-Imberakuri that they were also forming an alliance with FDLR. The Rwanda National Congress of another Faustin – Kayumba Nyamwasa – has been desperately trying to get hitched to the genocidal bandwagon. If they have not gone the whole distance, it is because of mutual mistrust, not for lack of effort. So immediately the announcements are made, Twagiramungu and co. hops off to Dar es Salaam to meet President Kikwete. Was it on their initiative? No. They were invited. Was this a friendly visit to an old buddy? Yes and no. Some of you will remember that a year ago, President Kikwete proposed that the Government of Rwanda should negotiate with the FDLR for them to return home and for peace in the Great Lakes Region. To Rwandans busy rebuilding their country and their Rwandanness, Kikwete’s proposal was either the result of great disrespect and insensitivity or part of a wider plan against Rwanda. As it now turns out, that outrageous suggestion was not the random muttering of someone with nothing useful to say, but part of a well-thought out strategy. The answer to his preposterous proposal was unequivocal. No – there can never be any negotiations with genocidaires. President Kikwete and his new-found foreign allies – the same that are responsible for all the mayhem in this region – must have realised that the proposal for talks could not fly. In the eyes of Rwandans and other right-thinking people, FDLR was a criminal, terrorist and genocidal organisation and not a legitimate political party. And so they had to move to the next stage of the plan – to legitimise it. Hence the rush for a PS Imberakuri faction and Twagiramungu to announce their alliance with the FDLR. Allying with parties perceived to be free of genocide connections was obviously meant to erase the genocide label from FDLR and turn it into an acceptable and credible political organisation. Whitewashing FDLR is the first phase in a two-pronged strategy by Kikwete, Rwandan fugitives and foreign powers to pressure the Government of Rwanda into negotiating with it. Their thinking seems to be that if the genocide label is hidden from view and the base of the organisation broadened, the FDLR would gain credibility and there would be no more reason for Rwanda not to negotiate with it. If this is not enough to push Rwanda into talks, there is a back-up position – use of force. This second phase of the strategy is already under way. It is well-known that the FDLR has been an integral part of the forces that fought M23 rebels in the eastern D R Congo. This alliance of forces included MONUSCO, DRC army and special UN Intervention Brigade whose bulk of troops was provided by Tanzania. It is also common knowledge that in the joint operations against M23 some of the UN arms were given to FDLR. The same weapons are expected to be used by the FDLR and its allies to fight their way into Rwanda. This part of the strategy explains why the Intervention Brigade whose mandate was to fight all negative forces in DRC has made no move against FDLR. You simply cannot fight an ally, especially if that ally also happens to be a vital element of your strategy. This is not the first attempt to legitimise FDLR. Its apologists led by Human Rights Watch, MONUSCO and some of the many special envoys to the DRC have argued that it is no longer made up of genocidaires but children born after the genocide. And these should not be condemned because of the sins of their parents, that there is no issue of original sin here. The trouble is that FDLR remains a genocidal organisation despite all the attempts to wash it clean. It has not renounced the ideology of genocide. The children born in FDLR territory in DRC in the last twenty years have been brought up on that ideology and know no other. In that sense they are worse than their parents. But in any case they have always been invited to return home, and thousands have done so. The political parties now allied to FDLR to give it a cleaner face and broader base have no national character and represent only a few people – mainly their founders. Their leaders, such as Twagiramungu have lost touch with reality and live in a permanent state of reverie. President Kikwete is gambling on the wrong people. The option of fighting the Rwanda Defence Force – well, that is a different proposition that only the foolhardy, the utterly stupid or suicidal can contemplate. I would strongly advise against it. josephrwagatare.wordpress.com

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Dar’s Rwandan guests, FDLR and plots against a country