From the beginning of the conflict in eastern DR Congo, dozens of countries have participated in efforts aimed at restoring peace. These initiatives have included numerous diplomatic missions, and UN peacekeeping missions, which many observers argue have largely failed to achieve lasting peace and stability.

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In addition to peacekeeping forces, other countries and international bodies have engaged in significant diplomatic efforts to mediate peace. The United States and Qatar have co-chaired and facilitated peace talks. Ever since the AFC/M23 rebellion captured the city of Goma, in January, and later, Bukavu, many people and organizations continued working to find a peaceful solution to the crisis.

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Although both Belgium and Burundi have been cited in discussions about external actors contributing to the protracted conflict in eastern DR Congo, Burundi, in particular, must urgently reassess and halt actions that exacerbate regional instability. This focus remains pertinent even in light of recent reports that Burundi has authorized Belgian military aircraft to use landing facilities in Bujumbura—an arrangement some analysts view as reflecting shifting security dynamics rather than a substantive change in Burundi’s role in the conflict.

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Belgium, Burundi, and DR Congo have increased their military alliance to plan and execute attacks against AFC/M23 positions, despite ongoing peace initiatives. Bujumbura airport has become a significant hub for military cargo planes transporting equipment and Belgian troops from Brussels through Zaragoza, Spain, to help in its destabilizing mission of eastern DR Congo.

Who benefits from the Belgium-Burundi-DR Congo military alliance? Some will tell you that DR Congo benefits from the military alliance because the alliance helps in fighting against the AFC/M23 rebels. But, wait! What kind of benefits would a country have in fighting its own citizens?

The real country benefiting from this conflict is Belgium.

Brussels still wants to maintain a close watch on the region, with Burundi and DR Congo playing key roles in this strategy. In its strategy, Belgium’s military activities are using the Bujumbura, Kisangani, Kindu, and N’Djili airports to escalate the conflict in the Great Lakes Region.

By engaging in the region, Belgium continues to protect significant historical and ongoing economic interests in DR Congo, particularly within the mining sector. Its support for the current Congolese government and military initiatives can be seen as a strategy to safeguard and maintain influence over, and access to, these strategic mineral resources.

Belgium is, indeed, putting all its eggs in one basket, DR Congo. The central African country remains Belgium’s sole hope, and Brussels is leaving no stone unturned to look relevant to Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi. History proves that Belgium does not wish peace for the Congolese or the region. Brussels’ ties with Tshisekedi prioritize securing access to mineral resources and geopolitical influence, as one analyst put it. Hence, explaining why Brussels is not ready to stop fuelling conflict in eastern DR Congo.

But Gitega has many reasons.

Security analysts warn that Burundi’s involvement in the conflict is now causing internal instability. The impact is most evident within the army itself. Dozens of Burundian soldiers have died in Kinshasa’s conflict against AFC/M23. Others have reportedly been detained for refusing to fight in a conflict they see as unrelated to their national interest. But what Burundi seems to ignore or fail to see is that a good relationship with all its neighbours benefits Burundi itself.

Let’s take two examples from Rwanda. In January 2013, when Bujumbura’s central market was engulfed by fire, Kigali promptly deployed military helicopters to assist in extinguishing the blaze. This intervention was widely acknowledged and appreciated by the Burundian government at the time.

Secondly, it has been reported that, without intelligence shared by Rwanda, Évariste Ndayishimiye might not be president today. According to these reports, Rwanda provided critical information regarding a coup plot orchestrated by former Prime Minister Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni, which ultimately led to his arrest and a subsequent life sentence.

Apart from these two examples, there are cries from Burundians who need medical treatment in Rwanda, highlighting the critical humanitarian dimension of cross-border cooperation.

In July, SOS Médias Burundi published an article saying that the persistent border closure between Burundi and Rwanda is profoundly disrupting the lives of many citizens, particularly those who need to travel to Rwanda for medical reasons. "Behind every lengthened journey, every sick person in distress, every coffin crossing Kobero, one question resonates: How long will the population pay the price of a political standoff?” asked SOS Médias Burundi.

The ongoing conflict severely disrupts cross-border trade, a lifeline for Burundi’s struggling economy, as many citizens depend on these routes to access essential goods such as fuel.

To achieve stronger national and regional security, foster sustainable economic growth through trade, and improve diplomatic relations, Bujumbura must cease actions that fuel the conflict in eastern DR Congo. The imperative to act is urgent.

Clinging to the outdated political approaches of former colonial powers will do little to benefit either Burundi or the wider region; instead, it risks perpetuating cycles of conflict and political instability.