In the previous narratives in this series, we realized how religion was intertwined with politics. Colonialists used religion as a tool to subjugate the colonized. The true colours of religion in colonial and neo-colonial setups is nowhere manifest as in Rwanda's colonial and two post-colonial regimes.

In the colonial period, the education system was dominated by the Catholic Church. The same thing during the First Republic. The church wielded significant influence on institutions and leaders of the country. Lacking the capacity to support itself, the young Republic needed Church support to back it up.

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The political leadership relied on missionaries for advice. The new leaders of Rwanda were products of the seminary. This made the Catholic Church to be termed as the "parent” of the revolution. The First Republic was called a "Christian” regime because of the close collaboration and influence of the church in the politics of the country.

The 1961 constitution, which was a product of the Gitarama coup d’état, and the 1962 constitution prepared at independence gave a considerable position to the Christian religion. In the preamble of the 1962 constitution, it is stated: "The trust of the National Assembly is put in the Almighty God”. Other articles abound in these constitutions regarding the religious character of the Rwandan state at that time.

Article 8 of the Gitarama constitution and Article 39 of the 1962 constitution forbid communism, communist activities and propaganda. Article 75 of the 1961 constitution forbids divorce. The public schools run by the government and private schools managed by religious denominations were put on equal footing by Article 32 of the 1962 Constitution. This meant that they were given the same grants.

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The church controlled education and influenced government policy on education matters. A general policy on education was enacted to allow religious denominations to manage schools in the country. However, from 1966, the State took charge of education. The promulgation of the School law of 1966 and the general statute on Rwandese education of 1967 broke the monopoly on education by the Church by effectively giving school management to the secular State.

Ethnic reasons are said to have played a significant role in the promulgation of those laws. The political authorities contended the number of Tutsi in schools and Tutsi priests in charge of schools was still very high.

The Catholic Church was pleased with a Christian Head of State, aligned to the West, contrary to a number of states of the South and the sub-region that claimed to belong to the Socialist Block. They were said to also belong to the Third World and Non-Alignment Bloc.

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Rwanda’s case was taken as an ideal model in many areas notably in terms of political stability, development and social cohesion (insisting on solidarity and absence of conflicts). The Catholic Church is said to have found in Rwanda a model of proof that a "Christian society” was possible.

Catholicism was practically Rwanda’s state religion. It enjoyed considerable privileges. It almost monopolised the education sector, great audience in the corridors of power, possession of vast properties, part of which were unexploited, exemptions in the fiscal domain, among other things.

The ruling PARMEHUTU party had connections with the Catholic Church. There was no separation of the State and the Church. The President used this principle to rule. In his speeches, Kayibanda, a former catechist, always referred to the principles of his Christian faith. Kayibanda regarded the Catholic Church and its various structures as an important tool in the nation’s political management and civic education

The President’s patronage ceremony referred to as "the holy Grégoire” was celebrated on 3rd September and was declared a national holiday. People attended mass and later participated in festivals where state authorities were introduced. After celebrating a mass service that brought together large congregations, the President gave a speech depicting religion, politics and administration as one.

The Catholic Church was very close to the First Republic. Bishop Perrandin played a crucial role. The Republic considered Aloys Bigirumwami, the first Rwandan Catholic bishop, as "feudal and reactionary,” and subjected him to constant harassment. Bishop Perrandin was regarded as "democratic and progressive.” His European origin and his status as a missionary bishop favoured him within the international missionary system. Unlike Rwandan bishops, Perrandin enjoyed a high-table position. He was very close to the centre of power and the country's finances. He imposed himself and restructured the Church of Rwanda.

The Kayibanda regime highly cherished by the West and the Catholic Church physically eliminated Hutu and Tutsi opposition members. This was after instituting a single-party system that was to transform into a monoethnic power arrangement. There was excessive concentration of power in the hands of a small group of people hailing from Gitarama. It was also during this period that the first genocidal violence against the Tutsi became manifest.