For years, whenever Rwanda raises concerns about the security threats from DR Congo, critics dismiss it as paranoia or political maneuvering. Some call it an overreaction; others, in Gen Z slang, say it’s delulu—delusional.

The focus of these concerns remains FDLR, a UN and U.S sanctioned armed group founded by the perpetrators of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, who are still active and funded by the DR Congo government.

So, is Rwanda imagining threats, or is the world choosing to ignore the obvious because acknowledging it does not serve their interests? Because history keeps proving one thing: this is not paranoia. It’s déjà vu.

After the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, the defeated ex-FAR/Interahamwe fled Rwanda into neighboring countries. In Tanzania, the government disarmed them and returned their weapons to the new Rwandan government. But in the DR Congo, the story was different.

Instead of disarming them, the Congolese government sheltered these genocidal forces in refugee camps, allowing them to regroup. On October 29, 1996, these armed militias, now the FDLR, launched cross-border raids into Rwanda, slaughtering civilians.

The terror continued for years—the Abacengezi attacks (1996–2002) claiming the lives of many in Rwanda’s Western and Northern regions, the Burera and Musanze killings (2009) where civilians were brutally beheaded, and the spate of grenade attacks in Kigali in 2013.

These incidents were preceded by a series of failed and countered incursions along the border. The list goes on.

Recently, large stockpiles of weapons were discovered near Rwanda’s border. Yet, the DR Congo government shrugs it off, claiming it is merely preparing for defense against M23 rebels. But would such massive military stockpiles be discovered near any other border?

It is quite clear that the buildup was specifically aimed at Rwanda, especially given that DR Congo President Felix Tshisekedi has repeatedly threatened to invade Rwanda and topple its government while state-sponsored hate speech against Rwandans and Congolese Tutsi escalates.

In a short video produced by Al Jazeera explaining the conflict in the Eastern DR Congo, Jason Stearns, a professor from the Simon Fraser University & Director of Congo Research Group at NYU stated, "The genocide has such a foundational role in Rwandan society that it’s impossible to actually disentangle genuine security concerns from manipulation and pretext.”

This argument, often repeated in Western narratives, is as dangerous as it is insulting.

But perhaps, instead of victim-blaming, the real question should be: why has the DR Congo housed this deadly militia for decades? Does this make the Congolese government complicit in spreading the FDLR’s ideology? And if so, at what cost?

To understand the present, we must look at the past. In 1991, during the N’Sele Peace Agreement, the late Mobutu Sese Seko, then-President of Zaire (now DR Congo), personally asked President Kagame, who was the head of the RPA/F that was fighting to remove the genocidal government of former President Juvénal Habyarimana what he wanted in exchange for peace.

He even offered Kagame vast wealth, to which he responded that their mission wasn’t for personal gain but for the safe return of Rwandan refugees and the restoration of national unity. Yet Mobutu, a longtime ally of Juvénal Habyarimana, had already facilitated weapons deliveries for the Genocide and later provided sanctuary to ex-FAR forces, allowing them to regroup into the FDLR.

In 1997, President Kagame asked the UN and Western powers to intervene—to separate genocidal militias from genuine refugees. Their requests were ignored.

Decades later, the international community still refuses to acknowledge the FDLR as a major security threat.

Why? Could it be that the militia’s presence in DR Congo serves the interests of certain global players? After all, the FDLR has operated freely for nearly 30 years, despite being designated as a terrorist organisation by both the UN and the U.S.

It’s become clear: peace in the Great Lakes region is impossible as long as the FDLR exists. The notion that the FDLR has weakened over time is a dangerous lie.

While some of its founding members may have died, their ideology has not. It has been passed down to a new generation, still driven by the goal of exterminating the Tutsi people.

So, when Rwanda takes steps to protect itself, why does the world act surprised? What nation, knowing its past, would leave its security to chance?

Africa has long suffered from conflicts that serve the interests of external players, and whenever strong leadership emerges, it is often tested and undermined. Often, we seek attention from the West, forgetting that our instability reinforces their control over us.

But Rwanda has learned from history. Keeping Rwandans safe is non-negotiable and this time, Rwanda will not wait for external actors to dictate its fate.

The writer is a political commentator