In late January, global media reported the horrifying news of more than 150 women inmates raped by male inmates during a prison escape in DR Congo. What the media failed to mention is that this was not the first such event in the country, and under the current Congolese government, it may not be the last.
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In September last year, a similar attack occurred during a jailbreak at Makala prison, the largest in the country. Male prisoners assaulted the female wing, gang-raping their fellow inmates. And this wasn’t even in the eastern part of the country, highlighting that the oppression of women is systemic and widespread.
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But let’s focus on the Kivus – North Kivu Province and South Kivu Province, in eastern DR Congo. For over three decades, women in this country have faced some of the most brutal forms of violence, exploitation, and suffering. The region has been engulfed by conflict ever since the masterminds of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda fled and were welcomed into DR Congo, then Zaire, where they spread their genocide ideology, as well as sparked a cycle of wars and violence that have taken countless lives.
Throughout these years, women have shouldered the heaviest burdens—enduring sexual violence, enslavement, forced recruitment, and murder, all while the world has largely turned a blind eye. However, today, as the AFC/M23 rebellion challenges the status quo in the Kivus, it’s possible that their control of the region could bring a positive shift for women who have known nothing but war.
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Some call DR Congo the "rape capital of the world," and the statistics back this claim. A 2011 study published in the American Journal of Public Health estimated that 48 women were raped every hour in the country during 2006 and 2007. The actual numbers are likely higher, given the stigma and fear preventing many women from reporting their assaults.
Rape has been used as a systematic weapon of war by armed groups seeking to terrorize and control communities. Women and girls, as young as infants, have been subjected to brutal gang rapes, often in front of their families. These survivors are left with severe injuries, psychological trauma, and social rejection. Many are also forcibly impregnated by militia members, with the intention of expanding their ranks. Survivors face lifelong consequences, including the risk of HIV/AIDS, fistula, and rejection by their families and communities. Tragically, many others do not survive.
Capturing Rwanda to own property and beautiful women
A captured member of the FDLR terrorist militia group — which is openly allied with the Congolese government—revealed, in 2024, that part of the reward for waging war on Rwanda was to "own all the houses and beautiful women." Dehumanizing women is embedded in their doctrine, both during the 1994 genocide, and today. Congolese women should not continue to be victims in their own country.
FDLR is a DR Congo-based genocidal militia formed in mid 2000 by the remnants of the masterminds of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
The genocidal militia has abducted women and turned them into sex slaves or "wives" for fighters, often at young ages. Others have been conscripted as combatants, forced to fight, carry weapons, and kill. Rwandans and others who care know that this tactic is not new for the terrorist group.
The world expects Congolese women to endure
A couple of Rwandan proverbs reflect the situation in DR Congo: Agahwa kari kuwundi karahandurwa, and, utabusya abwita ubumera. Both suggest that the suffering of others seems more manageable from a distance.
For the past three decades, women in the Kivus, regardless of age, have suffered some of the most heinous abuses imaginable, turning their plight into a symbol of violence against women. This grim reality has been widely documented across global media platforms and advocacy campaigns, so much that DR Congo is often synonymous with rape and gender-based atrocities.
Shockingly, these crimes have not only persisted but have escalated, despite the presence of a $1.13 billion UN peacekeeping force (MONUSCO) in the region. It seems as though the prolonged duration of these horrors has rendered them more tolerable to the international community—raising troubling questions about whether the ongoing nature of these atrocities is considered more convenient than their resolution.
Despite the scale of the agony, the international community has failed to take decisive action. One of the main reasons for this apathy is the geopolitical interests surrounding the vast mineral resources of the Kivus; coltan, gold, and diamonds, among others. Armed groups, including FDLR, illegally exploit these resources, benefiting multinational corporations and foreign governments that prioritize economic gain over human rights.
In addition, MONUSCO has been largely ineffective in protecting civilians, particularly women. Despite being one of the largest UN peacekeeping operations in history, it has failed to prevent large-scale massacres and sexual violence, with some peacekeepers implicated in sexual exploitation scandals, further eroding trust in international intervention.
Could AFC/M23’s capture of the Kivus bring change for women?
Yes, it could. While the situation cannot worsen for women in eastern DR Congo, it can improve.
President Felix Tshisekedi and his government have already proven ineffective in fostering peace—they have contributed to the problem by inciting violence against the Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi communities, putting them at greater risk.
The recent fall of Goma and Bukavu to AFC/M23 raises questions about the future of the region, especially for women in those territories. I believe the rebel movement’s control could bring a form of stability that benefits women. Historically, well-organized groups—whether rebel or government-backed—have sometimes reduced indiscriminate violence and sexual crimes.
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If M23 establishes governance structures, enforces law and order, and suppresses the criminal elements responsible for sexual violence, it could create a safer environment for women. However, this depends on their leadership's willingness to prioritize human rights and break away from the exploitative practices that have long characterized the Kinshasa regime and other armed groups.
AFC/M23’s feminist stance?
What we do know is that M23 celebrated the International Women’s Day in the areas they controlled. This suggests that they acknowledge and value women's rights, signalling a progressive stance on gender equality in the territories under their control.
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If they succeed in driving out FDLR and other militias known for their brutal tactics, it will end or reduce the widespread rape and other forms of violence that women there endure.
Regardless of who controls the Kivus, the suffering of women there demands urgent action. Any new leadership, whether under the rebel movement or a reformed Congolese government, must prioritize the protection and empowerment of women. This includes prosecuting perpetrators of sexual violence, providing medical and psychological care to survivors, and creating economic opportunities that allow women to rebuild their lives.
The international community also has a responsibility to end its passive complicity. For three decades, women have been treated as casualties of war rather than human beings deserving dignity and security.
The world must acknowledge their suffering, hold perpetrators accountable, and ensure that the next generation of Congolese women does not inherit this cycle of trauma. Perhaps, under AFC/M23, women in the Kivus could, for the first time in three decades, experience a truly happy International Women’s Day.