The world often sanitises genocide by using diluted terms like, "conflicts” or "crises.” But no matter the label, genocide remains genocide.

To quote the old Latin wisdom,"Qui tacet consentire videtur”—silence means consent, or rather, "He who is silent is taken to agree.”

Rwanda’s history gives her both an obligation and a stance: to never remain silent or indifferent.

I will quote the words of Martin Niemöller, a German pastor and poet who deeply regretted his silence during the Nazi regime:

"First they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a socialist.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a trade unionist.

Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Jew.

And when they came for me, there was no one left to speak.”

Niemöller’s story is particularly striking. In the 1920s and early 1930s, he strongly supported the Nazi movement. His eventual break with the Nazis was not due to opposition to their extremist ideology but rather frustration with Hitler’s interference in the Protestant Church.

As a result, he spent the last eight years of Nazi rule imprisoned, living with the regret of his silence. At least, he had the decency to acknowledge it.

Contrary to the narrative shaped by Western media, the Holocaust was not solely a Nazi atrocity—it was fueled by Christian Europe. The Jews were accused of the worst of crimes: "Deicide, the killing of the Christian God.”

History shows how easily the extermination of a people can be justified with flimsy pretexts, and how widely such justifications can be accepted.

The power and danger of labels

Since 1884, African borders have ignored the realities of ethnic groups, whom Europeans dismissively called "tribes." In Eastern Congo, the focus has often been on Rwandophones—Kinyarwanda speakers—particularly those labeled by Belgian colonizers as "Nilotic."

Colonial classifications divided African ethnic groups into broad categories like Bantu (plural), and Muntu (singular), meaning "people" or "person." While Tutsis in Rwanda, Burundi, and beyond referred to themselves simply as "people,” the Belgians categorized them as "Nilotic." This was a classic divide-and-rule strategy, and its legacy persists today.

Colonial-era labels have been both used and misused, often with devastating consequences. For instance, the Belgians determined who was "Nilotic-Tutsi" based on arbitrary criteria- like height, nose shape, or ownership of ten cows. That subject alone would require an extensive write-up.

However, what must be addressed are the misleading and dangerous assumptions that continue to shape narratives, justify persecution, and, ultimately, enable genocide.

Not all Congolese tutsis are Banyamulenge

Many well-intentioned individuals, including figures like President Thabo Mbeki and Pan-Africanist PLO Lumumba, refer to all Congolese Tutsis as Banyamulenge. This is incorrect. The Banyamulenge are a distinct group of Congolese Tutsis that reside in an area of Southern Kivu, primarily around the Mulenge mountains.

They are among the most vulnerable of Congolese Tutsi who remain corned with no foreign border where they can take refuge, their closest border is with Burundi.

Yet another non-option, as Burundi is ruled by the CNDD-FDD government that has itself embraced a form of ethnic extremism akin to tropical Nazism- towards these very people.

The Banyamulenge were brought into the spotlight in the 1990’s. During this time, they resisted persecution by the Mobutu regime that was working and aiding genocidal Rwandan militia remnants. Their self-defense, taken as defiance, made them a key force in the "Rally for Congolese Democracy” (RCD), which went on to play a pivotal role in overthrowing Mobutu.

However, the ongoing genocide in the DR Congo does not end as a Banyamulenge issue. It is a dangerous mistake to frame the ongoing genocide in the eastern DR Congo as that alone. There are millions of other Tutsi communities across the east of the country and they also face persecution from their governement.

Throughout Kivu, there’s different Tutsi communities like the Bagogwe primarily cattle herders, there’s Tutsi communities in Masisi, Rutshuru, Jomba, and Bwisya.

It is often forgotten that wherever there are Tutsis, there are also Hutu Kinyarwanda speakers, who share the same linguistic and cultural heritage.

This distinction is crucial due to the weaponization of political misrepresentations. Tomorrow, a shrewd politician might make a statement such as: "I acknowledge that the Banyamulenge are Congolese.” Therefore, the question that follows might be: "So what are the rest of you fighting for?”

We must not allow genocide to be reduced to a narrowly defined issue. The truth must be told in its entirety.

Congolese Tutsi communities face persecution from their government. They are not receiving the state protection they are entitled to, largely because their identity and status is not recognized by the state.

Rwanda understands what it means to be abandoned by the world. The Genocide against the Tutsi, was carried out in broad daylight, under the gaze of television cameras. Those who take their time to read can find this reality documented in ‘Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda’ by General Roméo Dallaire, or ‘We Did Nothing: Why the Truth Doesn't Always Come Out When the UN Goes In’ by Linda Polman.

Unlike others, Rwanda bears the scars of abandonment in her recent history. She does not afford the luxury, to stand by in the present and save regret for the future, as the German, Niemöller, did echoing: "When they came for... I said nothing."

The phrase "Genocide Never again, has become time and again” resonates deeply with me. I wish I could credit its originator, but its source remains unknown. As someone once said, when a fool is at a loss for words and a wise person expresses his thoughts, the fool exclaims, "Oh, how well he has spoken my mind!” I am that fool. Whoever coined this phrase has spoken my very thoughts, and if you have any doubts, visit Eastern DRC.

A final thought

To conclude, I leave the reader with a thought from Albert Camus—one that M23 may well have adopted from Rwanda:

"A living man can be enslaved and reduced to the historic condition of an object. But if he dies refusing to be enslaved, he reaffirms the existence of another kind of human nature—one that refuses to be classified as an object."

There have been numerous allegations that Rwanda supports M23. Let me clarify: I am neither a spokesperson for the Rwandan government nor for M23. However, I have sentiments on this matter I can express.

Since the so-called independence of 1959, Rwandans were abandoned. It took the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) to take their people’s fate into their own hands. In that sense, I will plead guilty to this support—Rwanda, the RPA, and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) may indeed be an example for the M23: Your future is in your own hands.

To be continued...