Why Rwandans want Kagame beyond 2017

Currently, the question on the lips of most observers of the Rwandan politics is why almost all Rwandans so desperately want Paul Kagame to lead them on come 2017.

Tuesday, August 04, 2015
A researcher from University of Rwanda's College of Education displays a document that contains reasons why Article 101 should be amended. (Timothy Kisambira)

Currently, the question on the lips of most observers of the Rwandan politics is why almost all Rwandans so desperately want Paul Kagame to lead them on come 2017.

Over 3.7 million Rwandans from all walks of life have petitioned parliament with a request to amend the constitution, especially its article 101, in order to allow President Paul Kagame to continue leading the country after his constitutional second and last mandate in 2017.

For over two weeks now, members of both houses of Parliament have been all over the country, crisscrossing all the 416 sectors, seeking for more ideas on the issue, from those who, for one reason or another, were not able to put their views in black and white.

As the lawmakers come to the end of the task they set for themselves to consult the Rwandan population on this question, it has already become evident that ere the whole exercise is over, the number of the initial petitioners will have significantly increased, with most people chanting praises of the new Rwanda and gains made under the leadership of President Kagame, and all urging Parliament to call for a referendum to allow them vote for the amendment of the constitution.

So what could be the reason or reasons behind this unprecedented political development in the recent history of this country?

What, one may ask, is driving Rwandans almost to the point of hysteria, in wanting Paul Kagame to remain their leader beyond 2017, and why is it that Rwanda is sending such positive vibes across the world?

In my opinion, it has to do with the country’s history. Two decades ago, in 1994 to be exact, tiny, landlocked, poor with no natural resources to talk about, Rwanda was just but a failed state, with over a million of its population decimated in a brutal Genocide against the Tutsi, commandeered by the leadership of the time.

In 1959, Rwanda had ethnically been divided in such a way that a big part of Hutu and Tutsi population had been cast out and was living in neighbouring states as refugees.

But leaving aside this issue of division between the Hutu and the Tutsi, the population which had remained inside the country, the Hutu, were equally divided on regional basis, creating the Orwellian feeling that all Hutu were equal but that some of them were more equal than others.

For a long time, long after their political independence in 1962, the people of Rwanda did not at all enjoy the feeling that comes with it. They were denied all forms of freedoms such as that of movement, where they could not cross the border to another prefecture (province) in order to visit a friend, or a sick relative.

For this, and whenever they wanted to travel from one area of the country to another, they were required to carry a ‘laissez passer’ issued by the Bourgmestre (equivalent of the current mayor). Getting hold of this simple document for a common man was a monumental task.

The consequence of this reprehensible policy is that until 1996, most Rwandans inside Rwanda,  especially the common man, the villager somewhere upcountry, did not know what was happening in the country outside his own prefecture, because he was not allowed to travel out of it.

From independence in 1962, Rwanda was ruled under two different regimes and republics.

The first republic was headed by the Democratic Republican Movement party (MDR-PARMEHUTU), under Grégoire Kayibanda, dominated by politicians from the southern part of Rwanda.

This party advocated for the rights of the Hutu ethnic group, whom it said were the majority, but were oppressed. As a result, this led to total discrimination against people from other regions but the Tutsi in particular.

The Second Republic was ushered in by a military Coup d’Etat in 1973, by Maj. Gen. President Juvenal Habyarimana. This regime was characterized by nepotism, favouring a circle of family and friends (Akazu), and that of his wife whose influence in the government decisions taken at the time was legendary.

He favoured the dominance of the people of northern Rwanda.

Habyarimana’s regime discriminated so much against the Tutsi and the rest of other regions especially the southern part, in all matters, and it is the one responsible for the preparation and the implementation of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

Therefore, because of the pre-eminence of ethnic and regional discrimination that characterized these two regimes, both were unable to meet the least of the principles of good governance such as rule or law, inclusiveness and accountability.

Enter Paul Kagame

It has been said that all  leadership has a direct impact on the people it leads. So, it follows that these are the ones to know whether such leadership is effective and worth keeping, or whether it is ineffective and should be thrown out.

The immediate aftermath of the Genocide in April 1994 seriously destroyed Rwanda’s human and material capital, the two factors of economic production the country could boast of. Approximately three million Hutu refugees, some of whom had participated in the Genocide and fearing Tutsi retribution, fled in  every direction across the region.

Rwanda witnessed such a huge human capital loss at the time, and the infrastructure destruction affected the country so adversely that economic productivity fell drastically and poverty levels rose up to an ever high.

It took none other than Paul Kagame himself as the head of his valiant Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army, to stop it.

And it was from that moment that democratic governance was ushered in, one in which every Rwandan felt represented.

The RPF under Kagame was from that moment committed to putting in place an all-inclusive government, a government for national unity. His administration took on the task of putting reconciliation at the top of its political agenda, and instilling good governance values into the political system.

Unlike Habyarimana who at one time was enjoining Rwandan Tutsi refugees abroad to seek citizenship from whichever country they were in, Paul Kagame was calling all Rwandans back home to come and help rebuild their shattered country.

Nevertheless, it always takes time for any society to recover from conflict, especially the internal, inter-communal conflict.

People who had left the country at different times returned in successive phases particularly 1995-1996 to claim their lands and abandoned property, resulting in people regaining confidence.

Slowly, Paul Kagame’s leadership had a far-reaching impact on the country and everybody in it,  especially  the rural population. Since he came to power in early 2000s, Rwanda’s annual economic-growth rate has been robust and ever growing, and the country has made major progress in all areas possible.

Under President Kagame, and only under him, have the people of Rwanda been able to taste what peace and stability really feels like. They have seen with their own eyes, right at their door steps, what development is.

And because of all this and more, the people of Rwanda want the law to be amended to allow him to continue with the stewardship of the country beyond the expiry of current term in 2017.

Like Dr Joseph Karemera wrote recently, "He (Kagame) has stabilised the country and pacified it so much that it is now an icon of peace and stability. His vision to turn Rwanda into a middle-income country is on track, it is a boat that we do not want to rock.”

The love President Kagame has for Rwandans is mutual. The people of Rwanda love him so much so that they want him to go on leading them come 2017. Let no one interfere!

The writer is a freelance journalist based in Kigali