Change with Stability: The beginning of the end (Part IV)

The change with stability debate did enter a final phase on July 14 with emotive mass movement of Rwandans who thronged parliament to witness the historical sessions during which lawmakers sat to listen to the demands of more than 3.7 million people.

Monday, July 20, 2015
People applaud during the term-limit amendment session at Parliament last week. (T. Kisambira)

The change with stability debate did enter a final phase on July 14 with emotive mass movement of Rwandans who thronged parliament to witness the historical sessions during which lawmakers sat to listen to the demands of more than 3.7 million people.

I watched the enthusiasm of thousands - who could not fit in the public gallery of the plenary room – and emotional outbursts of many after MPs agreed to look into their demands justifying why they want article 101 of our constitution amended to allow continuity of stability and miraculous development under the leadership of President Paul Kagame, the architect and guarantor of the same.

The heart of the matter

Each of the parliamentarians, and indeed members of the public, had a story to tell and one coming from their hearts as what our country has achieved under the exemplary leadership of President Kagame.

They went on to highlight how these achievements have percolated to individual Rwandese was the heart of the matter that our law makers had to deliberate on.

It is worth pointing out that with the exception of the Y-generation which may take the new Rwanda for granted and fall prey to political opportunists’ machination, and manipulations, the X generation most of whom were present at the parliament know the abnormal Rwanda, and now the seemingly normal Rwanda, and how President Paul Kagame modelled the new Rwanda to what it is today.

They told stories of how the abnormal Rwanda was so sectarian that even among the Hutu ethnicity there were those who were entitled to resources and privileges of power when the rest were left at the mercy of entitled.

When it came to Tutsi, sectarianism was extremely defined, and systematic. Black to black apartheid that has never even been practiced in Sub-Saharan Africa, except South Africa defined abnormal Rwanda. These very masses told stories of how every Rwandan has equal and the same entitlement to everything Rwanda. This includes the ethnic tag-free identity cards that were machination of divide and rule of Belgian colonial masters, which were to be instrumental during Genocide against the Tutsi.

Ndi Umunyarwanda replaced these ethnic tags that are not only outdated but also retrogressive to the unity and reconciliation project that President Kagame modelled so much so that, it is a case study for other post conflict countries (leave alone post-Genocide).

Tales of various achievements from economic emancipation of peasants through Girinka, and access to health services that our government has put in place were all sung. The peace and security that embraced even former combatants of FDLR were told.

Stories of how our country has been fundamentally transformed were repeatedly told so much so that when it came to parliamentarians, they poured their hearts out on achievements registered by our country in such a short time, to the applause of the public in parliament galley.

Social contracts are revoked/amended/terminated.

A constitution is a social contract between the governed (citizens) and the state. The same citizens have the absolute right to revoke it, amend it or even terminate it if the circumstances warrant it.

And so, in our case, the circumstances do warrant its amendment to the extent that it serves the interest of Rwandans. What is at stake is a fundamental issue of sustaining our stability and social transformation that only those ‘with spiritual hope’ would have imagined after 1994, when there was no Rwanda to speak of.

If one rewinds a bit and or looks in the rear mirror of our abnormal Rwanda, it is easy to notice that what happened is just a miracle no one can discount.

And so if one happens to get a miracle in everything Rwanda, you can only hold to it, for we know and lived the opposite or to live without it.

However, sustaining what we have achieved to date is only possible if we sustain the exemplary leadership that shaped it in the first place. Period.

In Africa, like everywhere else where institutions and systems are still evolving, leadership is everything systems as well as institutions and so any other narrative is simply simplistic and underestimation of a reality whose consequences we cannot simply avoid.

As such, the unanimity in the call to amend our social contract is informed by the very miracles that happened through exemplary leadership of President Kagame and without whom we would simply be another Liberia, Iraq, Somalia, and Libya.

But, as I pointed earlier, these are mere post-conflict and not post-conflict and post-genocide countries. That both chambers overwhelmingly supported the demands of their constituents is not surprising, I don’t know how they would have handled the masses they represent if they had not voted the way they did.

Hon. Abbas Mukama, who is also a deputy speaker observed that "what we are doing today should convince President Kagame to heed the request of Rwandans.”

The Chamber of Deputies, which had all the 80 MPs present, saw 79 lawmakers support the basis of the petitions to change Article 101 of the Constitution. One vote was invalid.

In the senate, majority of them said that any obstacles against President Kagame continuing to lead Rwandans should be removed.

The point here is, our problem is not about term limits or lack of term limits, it is about Rwanda, and or no Rwanda, the existential threat that looms in not doing away with the limits.

These limits would simply limit our progress and socio-economic transformation we have registered, not to mention fragile security informed by regional as well international threats and politics etc.

In any case, our social contract on the part of Rwandans is as open as it can be, we can limit as much as we deem fit or even suspend it in the extreme and if this in our best interest. Nobody and nobody else has these very powers. They are exclusive to us Rwandans. Not negotiable (except among ourselves) nor transferable or dictated to.

External ‘opposition’

After parliamentary  endorsement of our petition, the social media went in over drive with sentiments that carry no substance whatsoever, and coming from negative forces abroad as usual with all empty rhetoric on our choice and decision.

These people have no alternative for Rwandans except the ‘don’t change the constitution slogan” a tired argument indeed.

They don’t even tell us who can replace President Kagame that comes near to his exceptional leadership qualities and virtues. They have zero argument on the change with stability and continuity debate in that you wonder if a country was to depend on their emissions the type it would up being.  Fortunately we can’t allow that to happen. 

Problem with social media is that, one can make lots of noise and pretend to represent many. Not at all. Much as social media is useful, it has been abused by many calling themselves all sorts of things they are not and if one is analytical, social media may end up confusing only the confused for the powers of the people of Rwanda is stronger and effective than fallacious social media rumour mongers do nothing  negative forces especially in diaspora.

If these calling themselves legitimate Rwandans on social media had an issue with our choice and decision, they should come home.

Political opportunists, misplaced characters and those out of touch with reality of modern Rwanda, can only blame themselves.

They cannot wish for us what they are not party to in their western ‘homes’. We are sole beneficiaries and or ‘loses’ of our decision. We can never lose in this one, and we have not lost before anyway. Not under the leadership of President Kagame.

To ice up their rhetoric, one ‘expired politician’ whose constituency is, and has been the media, has been questioning our choice and decision,  especially on VOA.

Yet he has nothing absolutely, nothing, in his political CV to show Rwandans, except ethnic incitements that are his political trade mark, that has no place in modern Rwanda. 

The same goes to some foreigners who have taken it upon themselves to advise Rwandans on what is good for them, and what is not, much more the type of leadership we need to have and not the one we want and deserve.

To these I say, Rwandans know themselves better, know Rwanda better and above all know their leaders better than them. We also know that we are a special case that cannot be compared to any other and whose context no one else can comprehend as much as we do.

They are free to give us advice but not dictates, conditions, or ultimatums as if we are dummies who don’t know what is good for us nor what is in our interest. We have come from ashes literally by ourselves except for development partners who we say thank you, but our governance and leadership choices are red lines.  

We very well know that Rwanda and Rwandans owe our present socio-economic transformation to President Paul Kagame, a choice that was literally providential and one we shall hold on to for sustaining the same. This choice is stone cast for most Rwandans. Respect it.

The author is an economist and financial expert