The death of former New Zealand Special Air Service (SAS) soldier Justin Conaglen and the wounding of retired US Army Special Forces operator Tim Kennedy in an ambush in South Kivu on September 17 drew attention to foreign mercenaries hired by Blackwater founder Erik Prince to support the Congolese army in its war against AFC/M23, now known as the Front pour la refondation de la nation (FRN).
The attack reportedly left about 20 people dead or injured, including at least seven Congolese nationals. It targeted a group of Prince’s contractors travelling alongside Congolese armed forces in the Minembwe area, where government-allied forces have been advancing in renewed efforts to surround the highland community.
"They were ambushed trying to cross upwards Mulima centre near Point Zero, in their rounds of deployments to surround Minembwe,” a source familiar with the operations told The New Times.
The September attack followed another clash towards the end of August in which both Prince’s mercenaries and Congolese coalition forces, including the FARDC, suffered casualties. That battle took place around Minembwe, farther towards Shabunda, with the group approaching from the west, according to the source.
The group reportedly lost equipment, including drones, during the August fighting. The source said the equipment was later used to help track the contractors’ whereabouts.
"The recent previous fight was in Minembwe, but slightly further out towards the direction of Shabunda. Typically, when Minembwe is encircled, the coalition forces approach from various directions, some from the southeast, others from the south, and some from the west; the group involved in the August incident had come from the west,” the source said.
"They were routed there and even abandoned much of the equipment they had been using, including drones, which were later used to track their whereabouts. Such deals are typically highly classified; the information only leaked because the parties involved realized they lost.”
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This article explains who Prince’s mercenaries are, what they are doing in eastern DR Congo, and what international law says about their operations.
Who are the mercenaries?
The mercenaries work for Vectus Global, a private security company founded by Prince, a former US Navy SEAL best known for establishing Blackwater, the now-defunct private military company whose personnel were involved in the 2007 killing of Iraqi civilians in Baghdad.
The group in eastern DR Congo is currently estimated to be 300 fighters and are largely former military personnel recruited from different countries, including the United States, Colombia, New Zealand, Israel, Ukraine and other parts of Latin America and Europe, according to the source's information corroborated by media reports. They bring military experience, including combat, intelligence, drone operation and air-defence skills, to the battle fields.
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The source told The New Times that Prince’s personnel are the only specialists operating drones within the Kinshasa coalition which includes FARDC, Burundian forces, the Kinshasa-backed FDLR genocidal militia, Wazalendo and other fighters.
Their involvement is particularly significant around Minembwe, where drone operations and aerial strikes have devastated the area for months and contributed to insecurity for residents, who are already facing attempts to encircle the highland community again.
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Reports on the deployments indicate that between 10 and 35 Prince-linked contractors were operating around Minembwe in late August, alongside FARDC special forces. They were reportedly based in villages south of Point Zero and supporting drone and air-defence operations.
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How Prince’s role expanded
Prince’s involvement in DR Congo initially centred on securing mining operations and helping the government improve revenue collection from mineral resources, particularly copper and cobalt.
In December 2024, he signed a five-year agreement through his network of companies, reportedly worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Estimates of the initial contracts range from $300 million to $400 million, although other reports have put their value at nearly $700 million.
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His involvement has since expanded to include logistical and military support for the Congolese armed forces.
After AFC/M23 captured Goma and Bukavu, the capitals of North and South Kivu, in early 2025, Kinshasa increasingly relied on foreign personnel to support its military operations, although mercenaries were already involved in the conflict before 2025. (Nearly 300 surrendered to AFC/M23 in late January 2025.) Prince’s personnel particularly deployed to Uvira, a strategic town in South Kivu, in January and February 2026, following the rebels’ withdrawal from the town in December 2025.
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His company Vectus Global is said to be negotiating a $65 million contract (approximately Rwf95.8 billion) with Kinshasa to further provide technical and logistical support for the Congolese army’s military aircraft and drones, according to Africa Intelligence.
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The deal would help maintain and operate the aircraft and drones, strengthen FARDC’s air capabilities and potentially allow Prince’s mercenaries to continue supporting military operations on the ground. According to the reports, a separate proposed deal to protect the Congolese air force’s assets has also been valued at about $200 million.
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Mercenaries in Goma war
Before Prince’s involvement, Kinshasa had relied on Romanian contractors hired through the private military company Agemira to help defend Goma. Before AFC/M23 captured the city in January 2025, the FDLR was stationed at Kanyamahoro, about 500 metres from the Rwandan border, making it the closest group to the border.
Romanian mercenaries were positioned near Kibumba, about two kilometres from the FDLR base. Behind them were South African forces, followed by Tanzanian and Malawian troops, FARDC and Wazalendo militias. Burundian forces were deployed in Masisi and nearby areas.
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On January 29, 2025, at least 288 Romanian mercenaries who surrendered after the city’s capture were allowed to transit through Rwanda on their way home. They were believed to be part of a force of about 2,000 foreign contractors hired by the Congolese government.
Their reported monthly salaries ranged from $3,000 to $5,000 under official contracts. Some reports put payments as high as $8,000 to $20,000, depending on rank and tax arrangements. By comparison, regular Congolese soldiers reportedly earned less than $100 a month, with salaries frequently delayed or unpaid.
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What does international law say?
The presence of foreign military contractors does not automatically make them mercenaries under international law. Their legal classification depends on the circumstances of their recruitment, motivation, role and participation in hostilities, among other criteria.
The 1989 International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries requires states that are party to it to prohibit and criminalise specified mercenary-related activities, provide penalties and cooperate internationally in addressing offences.
The 1977 Organisation of African Unity Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa also treats mercenaryism as a crime against peace and security on the continent. It sets out responsibilities for individuals and entities involved, as well as provisions concerning states and their representatives.
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However, applying these frameworks can be difficult when foreign contractors are operating under arrangements with a government that is itself a party to an armed conflict, according to analysts. Questions arise over the applicable law, the contractors’ precise status, which authorities have jurisdiction and whether alleged offences can be investigated impartially.
Jean-Baptiste Gasominari, a lawyer and regional security analyst, said a state’s sovereignty complicates efforts to hold its government directly accountable through another country’s courts.
"Because the country has what we call sovereignty. It is the one that dispenses justice,” he said, adding that he does not see a competent authority that could directly try the Congolese government over the use of mercenaries.
He said diplomatic engagements could offer a way for countries concerned about the issue to seek answers and discuss possible action.
"The only way is diplomatic. Countries can discuss how to handle this issue because it should be an issue of concern to more than one country,” he said.
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Jean Laurent Gatera, a researcher in peace studies and conflict transformation, said the use of foreign mercenaries in DR Congo has historical roots, stretching from the colonial period through the Mobutu era.
"In the past they came with higher skills than their opponents and sometimes war ended in their favor,” said Gatera, author of The Genesis and Conflict Trends in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo: The Causes and Consequences of Kivu Conflict.
Prince has also faced controversy over private military operations elsewhere. In 2019, mercenaries involved in an operation in Libya fled by speedboat following a dispute with the warlord who hired them. In 2012, United Nations investigators accused his forces of violating an arms embargo in Somalia. His contractors have been hired by the Haitian government.