Rwanda has earned recognition for building one of Africa's most accessible justice systems. From digitised court services and progressive legal reforms to community-based dispute resolution and expanded legal aid, the country's commitment to the rule of law is evident. These achievements have strengthened public confidence in justice and demonstrated a consistent willingness to improve legal institutions.

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Yet as the justice sector continues to evolve, one important question deserves thoughtful reflection: is there a category of citizens who remain legally protected in principle but practically unrepresented?

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This is not a question about whether Rwanda recognises the right to legal representation. It does. Rather, it concerns whether every person who genuinely cannot afford a lawyer is able to exercise that right effectively.

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Today&039;s legal aid framework rightly prioritises the most economically vulnerable citizens. However, there appears to be a growing group of Rwandans who fall outside the eligibility criteria for state-funded legal assistance while remaining unable to meet the cost of private legal representation. These are ordinary working citizens – the teacher, junior civil servant, motorcycle mechanic, small entrepreneur or recent graduate – whose income may sustain daily living but not the considerable cost of legal defence.

Internationally, this group is often described as the "missing middle" of access to justice. They are neither poor enough to qualify for publicly funded legal aid nor financially able to retain competent private legal counsel. As Rwanda's economy grows and more citizens join the middle-income bracket, this conversation becomes increasingly relevant.

Legal representation in criminal proceedings is not simply another professional service. It is a safeguard that promotes equality before the law, protects constitutional rights and strengthens confidence in judicial outcomes. A constitutional guarantee achieves its fullest meaning only when citizens can exercise it in practice.

Recognising this challenge should not be interpreted as criticism of Rwanda's justice system. On the contrary, it reflects confidence in institutions that have consistently demonstrated the ability to adapt to changing realities. Many countries have responded through means-tested legal aid, legal expense insurance, structured pro bono programmes and partnerships with bar associations and universities. These experiences illustrate that expanding access to legal representation can be achieved without compromising fiscal responsibility.

For Rwanda, this presents an opportunity for evidence-based research and constructive policy dialogue. Studies could establish whether a measurable representation gap exists, identify those most affected and evaluate sustainable policy options. While development partners have made valuable contributions to strengthening access to justice, long-term reliance on external funding alone cannot provide the strongest foundation for a constitutional guarantee as fundamental as legal representation. Rwanda's development journey has consistently shown the value of home-grown, locally financed solutions.

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Exploring innovative domestic mechanisms to make legal services more affordable for the "missing middle" would strengthen both access to justice and the long-term resilience of the justice sector.

Ultimately, the strength of a justice system is measured not only by the rights it proclaims but also by the practical ability of ordinary citizens to enjoy them.

As Rwanda continues to deepen the rule of law, ensuring that every citizen—not only the poorest and not only those who can comfortably afford private counsel—can access competent legal representation may become one of the next defining milestones of justice sector reform.

The writer is a legal systems analyst specializing in regional integration, access to justice, and public international law.